ewtnmediaMother Angelica's Prayer for the United States








Recite the Memorare 9 times in petition, and then once more in thanksgiving. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us!




Remember, O most gracious Virgin Mary,


that never was it known that anyone who fled to your protection,


implored your help, or sought your intercession,


was left unaided.


Inspired by this confidence,


I fly unto you, O Virgin of virgins, my Mother.


To you do I come, before you I stand, sinful and sorrowful.


O Mother of the Word Incarnate,


despise not my petitions,


but in your mercy, hear and answer me.






More prayers and devotions: https://www.ewtn.com/catholicism/devotions













One significant element is funding for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), which has alleged ties to forced abortion and sterilization in China, as well as longstanding involvement in abortion advocacy. The Biden administration budgeted $56 million for the organization in FY 2023, a 72% increase over the amount enacted in the 2022 budget. The Biden administration has also requested $572 million for “family planning and reproductive health,” a 9% increase over the amount enacted in the 2022 budget. 




Valerie Huber, the former U.S. special representative for global women’s health at the Department of Health and Human Services during the Trump administration, recently founded the Institute for Women’s Health in response to what she sees as misplaced priorities when it comes to funding for women’s health overseas.




She told the Register that in her previous role, she “saw firsthand how the whole topic of women’s health was being co-opted by other agendas and the result that we saw, especially in the developing world, is that real women were suffering from health conditions that were totally preventable, totally curable, sometimes even dying as a result, simply because priorities were misaligned from the true needs of women and these controversial agendas where derailing authentic advances for women all around the world.”








In 2019, the last year for which the OECD has published full data, rich countries raised nearly $80 billion as part of their climate financing pledge. Most of this was either in the form of bilateral funds—loans or grants from one government to another—or multilateral public funds, whereby developed countries channeled their money through international banks or climate funds. The money is intended to help developing countries both mitigate the effects of climate change—including investing in cleaner energy sources—as well as adapt to a harsher climate.










“The Citizens’ Assembly showed that if you structure the debate around information, discussion, questions and answers, and allow citizens to really thrash things out with expert advice—in a manner that is intelligible to them—very often people will shift their positions,” said Sadhbh O’Neill, an expert adviser to Naughton’s parliamentary committee and a PhD candidate on environmental policy at University College Dublin.







© Adam Maida / The Atlantic




In early March, Texas became the first state to abolish its mask mandate and lift capacity constraints for all businesses. Conservatives hailed Governor Greg Abbott’s decision, while liberals predicted doom and death and President Joe Biden disparaged it as “Neanderthal thinking.”




Nine weeks later, the result seems to be less than catastrophic. In fact, in a new paper, economists at Bentley University and San Diego State University found that Abbott’s order had practically no effect on COVID-19 cases. “The predictions of reopening advocates and opponents failed to materialize,” the authors concluded.




How could a policy so consequential—or at least so publicly contested—do so little?




One possible interpretation is that lifting mandates did almost nothing because masks in particular do almost nothing. This viewpoint enjoys widespread popularity among conservative outlets such as Fox News, and is likely behind Abbott’s more aggressive decision to ban mask mandates in Texas.






A Cairn in Lixnaw




(From The Schools’ Folklore Collection)




In Gurthenare also in the farm of Mr. Quilter there are still to be seen the remains of a monastery called Kilcara, built by St. Carthage. One of the monks (Franciscans) belonging to that monastery was murdered by Cromwell’s soldiers and tradition has it that he was buried in “Mickey’s Field” in the farm of Wm. Dowling of Kiltomey bounding Gurthenare and Kilcara. A pile of stones was raised over the grave and up to forty years ago everyone, old and young, threw a stone on the pile when passing so strong was the tradition then. Three people, two of whom are still living heard stones rattling there late one night as they were going home from a friend’s house. The noise was such as would be made when emptying a load of stones out of a car.




Told by Michael O’Connell, aged 65





Tale from Clandouglas School




From School’s Folklore Collection




When the Fitzmaurices were Earls of Lixnaw and in their hey-day, some of them were very cruel. One time it happened that a poor widow woman lived in the vicinity. She had one son whom she sent picking “brosna” firewood in a field called the “Big Orchard” belonging to the Court. The Earl came out and found the boy gathering the sticks. There and then he ordered the servants to hang him from the nearest tree, and they did. When the poor mother heard it she came and stood in front of the Chapel in the Court and cursed the Earl and wished that before long the Rooks and Jackdaws would build their nests in the Court of the Fitzmaurices.


It is said that from that time on a decline came.




Whenever the Earls expected an attack or invasion in Elizabethan and Cromwellian times they hid their gold and treasure in the bottom of Casks which they then filled up with tallow. The Casks were then passed over as unimportant and when quietness reigned again the Earls knew where to find their treasures.




Told by Mr. Michael O’Connell aged 65











Regina Littel Koeppel


So didn’t AIDS and Crack Cocaine and Joe Biden


Is stunning to me any black person would vote for Joe e Biden


He destroyed the black family nuclear unit in inner cities in America with his


1995 Crime Bill that Put Hundreds of Thousands o Young Black Men


THE Sole Support of the inner city nuclear family behind bars for decades with as


little Crack Cocaine that was found and their white counterparts with


a Kilo of Powder Cocaine barely got a slap on the wrist


Who released these men finally?!!


President Trump and his remarkable Criminal Reform Effort








It’s all hands on deck for the battle in Georgia




- Fr. Frank Pavone Unsubscribe




3:07 PM (3 hours ago)




to me




The Election isn’t over!




December 8, 2020




J G,




(Thank you for your support of Priests for Life. If you already responded to the following appeal online, I appreciate your support. This email is intended for those who did not respond when we sent it previously.)




Your immediate and generous help is urgently needed.




The Right to Life and religious freedom are on the line.  The two special Senate elections taking place in Georgia right now will decide those two vital issues.




And because they are I’m coming to you with a blunt request:




Please make one of your special donations to Priests for Life because we need every dollar you can send right now to sustain our work in Georgia.




The situation is such that I’m reaching out to you and the entire Priests for Life family and asking everyone to pitch in as best they can.




Priests for Life needs to raise $400,000 in the next two weeks.  The reason why is because the 2020 election isn’t over.




Aside from the fact that the Presidential race is far from settled, there are two other critical battles still to fight.




I’ve already written and told you about them.  They are the fights for Georgia’s two seats in the U.S. Senate.




The Left is pouring BILLIONS of dollars into these two elections.  They are going all out to win them because they hope to give the radical Godless Left complete control of the government:  White House and Congress and the federal courts.




As I’ve told you in prior emails Priests for Life is going all out to stop them.  We’ve moved the focus of our “Political Responsibility” operation to Georgia in a last-ditch effort to keep the heralds of the culture of death from unleashing a wholesale slaughter of our unborn brothers and sisters.




Priests for Life needs your immediate help because we exhausted every dollar you and other stalwart pro-life heroes like you invested in our efforts to help Donald Trump win re-election and maintain a pro-life majority in the U.S. Senate.






That’s a real problem because we still have this huge victory to win in Georgia.




And while the actual day of the two Georgia Senate elections is scheduled for January 5, people are already requesting absentee ballots, and early voting begins December 14.  Residents have until December 7 to register to vote.  So Priests for Life is working hard right now to make sure all pro-life Georgians are registered to vote.




Once that December 7 deadline passes we will shift our efforts to making sure the people of Georgia know where the candidates stand on the two key issues of religious freedom and the right to life.




We’re doing so because the outcome of these two special elections will determine control of the Senate.  And since the pro-abortion forces already control the House, if they take these final two races they will have total control of Congress.




To maintain a pro-life majority in the U.S. Senate and create a firewall that will protect the youngest members of our human family from those who seek to kill them we need Georgia and a majority of pro-life lawmakers who can thwart the radical, Leftist pro-abortion agenda of the Democrats. 




Your immediate financial help is urgently needed so that Priests for Life can rally the good people of Georgia to vote pro-life.




But that won’t be easy.




As I told you a moment ago, pro-abortion extremists on the Left and in the Democrat Party of Death are pumping hundreds of millions of dollars into pro-abortion races in Georgia.




While Priests for Life cannot possibly match them dollar-for-dollar, we’re more than a match for them when it comes to passion and energy and commitment.




But we’ve spent every dollar from our “Political Responsibility” fund in the days and weeks that led up to the November 3 national election.




So I’m sending you this urgent appeal for financial help so Priests for Life has the funds we need to educate and mobilize pro-life voters in Georgia.




As I told you, it’s going to cost Priests for Life roughly $400,000 to carry out all of our special Georgia programs and projects.




To have any chance of raising the entire $400,000 budget I need your help.  As you consider how much to give in support of this fight, keep this in mind:




The two Georgia runoff elections are for all the marbles.




If the forces of darkness win these two Senate battles they will conduct a literal Reign of Terror against the unborn – as well as on those of us in the pro-life movement.  Remember all that they’ve promised to do if they take power:




- Codify “reproductive freedom” into federal law.  In other words, they want to eliminate even the most modest protections in state law for the unborn. This would make it impossible for states to pass laws that protect mothers and babies from abortionists like convicted murderer Kermit Gosnell.




- Repeal the Hyde Amendment and force you and all Americans to pay for abortions.




- Expand the number of Supreme Court Justices and fill the new seats with rabid pro-abortion judicial activists.




- Get rid of the filibuster in the Senate so pro-life lawmakers will be unable to block radical pro-abortion measures like:




    The Equal Access to Abortion Coverage in Health Insurance Act.  This bill would force Americans to pay for other’s abortions through health insurance.


    The Women’s Health Protection Act.  This bill would legalize abortion until the moment of birth and prevent states from passing pro-life legislation.


    Requiring state Medicaid programs to cover abortions.


    Attacking the conscience rights of health care workers.


    Restore all federal funding to Planned Parenthood.




And more.




The lives of millions of our unborn brothers and sisters are at stake in these two Georgia special elections.  That said ...




... if you want to protect the youngest members of our human family, and I know you do, then please take a moment right now to make as large a tax-deductible donation to Priests for Life as you can!




As a reminder, here’s what your dollars will help allow Priests for Life to do in Georgia:




    Activate our Priests for Life Phone Bank of trained volunteers who will call pro-life activists in Georgia and work with them on voter activation.


    Produce daily broadcasts and special videos that explain why it is vital for the people of Georgia to vote pro-life in these two special runoff elections.


    Educate, energize and encourage Georgia’s bishops, priests and pastors – both Catholic and Protestant alike – to SPEAK OUT and warn their flocks about the pro-abortion extremism of the two pro-abortion Democrat candidates.


    Contact ALL the priests and the deacons of Georgia via phone calls, letters, emails and faxes urging them to make pleas to their people to vote pro-life on January 5.


    Keep in close communication with the most reliably pro-life churches – Catholic and Protestant – in Georgia.  We are striving to help them get voter education materials to the doors of thousands of people; utilization of local media to highlight the differences between the positions of the candidates.




NOTE:  Priests for Life is the only pro-life organization that has the experience, know-how and credibility to work with members of the clergy effectively and successfully.




    Print up 500,000 copies each of our non-partisan “Party Comparison Guide”, our “Election Prayer for Life Card”, and our “Voting With a Clear Conscience” brochure and ship them to our Georgia state-wide network of volunteers so they can pass them out to their fellow Georgians.


    Send weekly email blasts to 1,000,000 Georgia residents.




And remember the “secret weapon” Priests for Life will unleash on the anti-life forces in Georgia:




Evangelist Alveda King, niece of the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and daughter of Rev. A.D. King.




Alveda serves on the Priests for Life team fulltime as the Director of ‘Civil Rights for the Unborn.”  She lives in Georgia and the people know her and what she represents.  She will remind them how these Senate elections impact the most important civil rights battle raging in America today, namely ...




... the God-given right to life for the unborn!




So please help.  There’s not a moment to lose.




The Mob Left and pro-abortion extremist Democrats are already flooding the air waves with false and deceptive TV ads and radio spots.  They are pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into Georgia in an attempt to “change America,” in the words of Chuck Schumer.  They’re even urging people to move to Georgia temporarily so they can vote in these two pivotal January 5 elections.




I truly fear for America if the radical pro-abortion extremists in the Democrat Party take control of the Senate.  I am also concerned for those of us who believe in God and the sanctity of human life.




But most of all I’m terrified for what these anti-life fanatics will do to our unborn brothers and sisters.




It falls to us to protect them.  You.  Me.  And the entire Priests for Life family.




So please continue to work with Priests for Life and help us keep pro-abortion extremists in the Party of Death from imposing their godless agenda on us and on the entire country.




Do what you can to help Priests for Life raise the $400,000 needed to fund this battle.




Take a moment right now to make as large a donation as you can to Priests for Life.  We need gifts of every size and amount ... from $15 to $1,500.  Just do what you can.




Thank you for taking immediate action.  And know that in humble appreciation for your sacrifice I will remember you at every Mass I offer.  God bless.




Sincerely yours in Christ,




Fr. Frank Pavone, National Director




Priests for Life








P.S.  This quote from pro-abortion Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is all the motivation you should need to rush Priests for Life your gift today.  Speaking before a rabid crowd of anti-life fanatics a couple weeks ago, Sen. Schumer shouted:




“Now we take Georgia, then we change the world,”




The last thing our unborn brothers and sisters need is for Chuck Schumer and the Party of Death to “change the world.” They’ll destroy it instead. But together we can stop them.  In order to do so Priests for Life needs your immediate and generous financial help.




Listowel Connection










Irish migrant was champion of rail workers




October 16, 2020






When Julie Evans, who is a loyal friend to this blog, saw the following story in her Sydney Morning Post, she knew just the place to share it. The late Jim Walshe was a well  known figure throughout Australia. Thank you, Julie, for sharing this obituary with us.






JIM WALSHE: 1931-2020




Jim Walshe, rail unionist, Labor activist and superannuation reformer was born in Ballybunion in County Kerry, Ireland, a resort town known for its picturesque sand dunes and, in his early years, the rural poverty of Depression-era, newly independent Ireland.










Jim Walshe was awarded the Medal of the Order of Australia.




He was a young caddie at the golf club, left school at age 14 to work for a local hotel in the summer months, and then moved with his mother to England and to the railways as a porter. His Scottish stepfather was active in the UK National Union of Railworkers.






Interested in self-improvement, young Jimmy did correspondence courses through the National Council of Labor Colleges and in photography with the YMCA. Then based at Harrow-on-the-Hill, west London, he quipped that he was an old Harrovian (a reference to the nearby upmarket Harrow School) even though his education was at the railway station. He sometimes attended union meetings and his mother was very pro-Labour.






In the early 1950s, Walshe heard from school friends that Australia had full employment and was worth checking out. He migrated in 1951 and fell in love with the country. His first job was as a builders’ labourer (“too much hard work”) then he tried his hand for a few months as a tram guard, on the North Bondi to the City run before joining the railways.










Secretary of NSW Branch of ARU Jim Walshe (right) and Harold Dwyer lobbying for an inquiry into a rail crash. March 3, 1983. CREDIT:FAIRFAX






First he was at Central station then St James as a porter (later called station assistants) and went from there to Darling Harbour as a shunter and Goulburn as a guard. He remembers near-death experiences working as a shunter, changing gears on the rail tracks.






From Goulburn the job was running trains down to the snow country, Cooma to Junee, up to Sydney, where he said: “We had to tolerate some terrible conditions both on the trains and in the barracks in which we were required to sleep during shifts.”






Walshe became an Australian Railways Union (ARU) delegate and for seven years was the honorary assistant secretary of the Goulburn branch, then a thriving railway town. Improvements, bit by bit, in the dignity of workers was what he strove for. For example, a campaign for gloves for the shunters who in the winter months had to operate freezing cold steel hand brakes.






He became a member of the ALP in the mid-1950s at a time when the Left hoped to take over the NSW Branch of the ARU, with the Labor party in turmoil over Herbert Evatt’s leadership. Walshe decided to support the Lloyd Ross-led ARU, moderate Labor, and in opposition to the far Left, the breakaway Democratic Labor Party.






In 1959 the northern organiser of the ARU died. Although from another part of the state, encouraged by Southern Organiser Bill O’Neill, Walshe applied for the position. Each of the six candidates spoke for three to five minutes on their interests and background, Walshe indicating his support for continuing education and industrial issues. He overwhelmingly won the vote of the branch council, including most of the Left delegates.






Not for the first time, a lilting Irish accent, a gregarious demeanour, a bright sense of humour, and a righteous, though measured passion stood him in good stead.






His “parish” extended from Gosford in the south, to south Brisbane in the north, to Wallangarra in the north west, and to the branch lines from Moree.






Although his politics were moderate Labor, Walshe appealed to many in the Left, and indeed across the political spectrum, as thoughtful and as respectful of alternative viewpoints. Catholic, though never sectarian, he loved Celtic culture, Scottish and Irish. In 1961 he married Rosette with Catholic rites. His sons, Hamish and Fergus, were given gaelic names.






From the early 1960s to 1971, for one week a month he worked at the Sydney ARU headquarters at Eveleigh.






In 1969, with Lloyd Ross’ imminent retirement as union secretary, a divided NSW ARU membership resoundedly elected Jack Maddox as Secretary and Bob Bailey as President. Walshe was approached by Left and Right to join their ticket but he supported Maddox, and from January 1971 worked full-time in Sydney as ARU traffic industrial officer.






The Chief Commissioner for Railways from 1956-1972, Neal McCusker CBE, ruled the roost at a time of significant technological change, replacing steam locomotives (and their infrastructure and work practices) with diesel and electric locomotives.






The NSW Labor Minister for Transport from 1960-65, John McMahon, almost never met ARU delegates or visited workplaces. With a change of government in 1965, under the Askin government, the Liberal Minister, Milton Morris was unafraid to visit rail members on the job: “he spoke to them as man to man and I wept” Walshe said.






In 1976, when Walshe became President, he considered giving up golf to allow more time for the extra responsibilities. Norm Garvey, a leading light in the union, resolutely said “no you won’t. You’ll continue to play golf every Saturday. You’re going to be under a lot of stress in this job and when you’re concentrating on that ball you won’t be thinking about anything else”. Walshe would later reflect that it was perhaps the best advice he received.






Maddox retired in 1981 and, pending a ballot of members, Walshe was appointed Secretary. An election that year took place with Walshe defeating rivals in a vote of all members. Harold Dwyer was elected President.






Industrially, rates of pay went up. Conditions on the job such as meal rooms, uniforms and brake-van conditions improved. Though there was a reduction in the work force through natural attrition.










State Secretary of the ARU Jim Walshe, beseiged by media after his members voted to stay out on strike at a meeting held at Parramatta Town Hall. February 17, 1982. CREDIT: FAIRFAX






Under the Labor government of Neville Wran, the union and Walshe got on well with Minister Peter Cox but under State Rail Authority CEO from 1982-87, David Hill, there were tensions, industrial conflicts, and strikes.






After one bruising confrontation in 1984, a two-and-a-half hour meeting was held with Premier Wran. Throughout the negotiations, the Premier took a coin out of his pocket and started tossing. Walshe said: “Look, Premier, the problem … is that we’re not going to tolerate redundancies in the railway.” Wran responded: “I can’t put it on paper, I will give you a guarantee that during the term of my government, there will be no redundancies in the railway.” Walshe ended the dispute when he agreed: “I’m prepared to accept that.”






It was a different story, however, under the Greiner and Fahey governments, though the government mostly facilitated voluntary redundancies and considered the union mostly reasonable in pitching its demands. But with a drastic reduction in services, closures of country services, outsourcing, and significant reductions in the workforce, conflicts were inevitable.




Among many legacies are the formation of the Australian Rail Tram and Bus Industry Union in 1993. Walshe with others initiated the amalgamations of unions in a historically divided industry. Perhaps one of his most difficult negotiations, he believed so strongly in the need for the amalgamation that he planned his retirement to allow the enlarged union to commence with new leadership.






He served as a delegate to Labor council of NSW from the early 1970s, he was elected a Vice President in 1984 and served as a member of the ACTU Executive from NSW from 1985 to 1989.






In the Australia Day 1988 Honours list, he was awarded the Medal of the Order of Australia for services to the trade union movement.






He took early retirement in 1992 and as a resident of Matraville for nearly five decades was a well-known member of the St Michaels Golf Club at Little Bay. He joined with other “old-timers” in 1989 to defend a takeover of the club that sought to convert it to an exclusive resort; a proposal that was anathema to the founders’ vision. They managed to muster enough members to attend in person to cast a blocking vote, albeit a narrow victory. A second vote shortly afterwards increased the block.






He was predeceased by Rosette in 1999. He was father and father-in-law of Hamish and Linda, Fergus and Veronika and brother of David and Chris (deceased).






Fergus Walshe with Michael Easson




In 1704, militias from the English Carolina colony massacred the Catholic Apalachee. Thousands were taken as slaves, and another thousand were martyred.


Martyrs were tied to the stations of the Cross and burned alive, while they invoked the Blessed Virgin. In addition to the 1,000 Appalachee martyred, six Franciscans died for the faith, including Juan Praga and Manuel Mendoza.


Antonio Cuipa, a catechist, was killed Jan. 26, 1704, tied to a cross and burned alive. When he cried out from the cross near the end of his life, an apparition o f the Blessed Virgin reportedly attended to him.









Glanageenty wood covers either side of a steep glen that carries a river of the same name. In recent years through the efforts of the local community, a network of waymarked trails have been developed for the enjoyment of all.


History : Glanageenty Loop Length 4kms ---It was in this glen that Gerald the last Earl of Desmond was beheaded in 1583 after months of hiding in dense woods – a plaque now marks the spot where his blood stained the earth. The loop takes you by the site of the Desmond Castle and on via the Ravens Glen waterfall to the ruins of Sean Thaigh Og’s cabin where in 1916 Robert Monteith evaded his enemies after the unsuccessful landing of arms at Banna Strand. From this secluded glen we can see the route and the hideaway taken by Stephen Fuller in 1923 when he was sole survivor of the Ballyseedy massacre. There are  vistas of Carrantuohill, Ireland’s highest mountain, the Gap of Dunloe and Mount Brandon.




Walks: There are three looped walking trails in Glanageenty. The wood lies at either side of a steep glen, sections of the walks can have steep gradients, suitable footwear is advisable. The Glanageenty Loop (4km, 1 hour 20 mins, strenuous), Lenihan’s Loop (5km, 2 hours, strenuous) and the Bernard Brothers Loop (9km, 3 hours, strenuous) will guide you around the woods, each having its own character and highlights.




Nearby is Ballymacelligott,  St Brendan’s Church Cloghane, School and graveyard, just a few pictures of them at end








Glanageenty Forest Recreation 19 September 2020


Length 9km you must be fairly active to complete it


The President of the United States, in the name of Congress, awarded more than 3,400 Medals of Honour to the Nation’s bravest Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines and Coast Guard personnel, since the decoration’s creation in 1861!




A MAN who robbed more than €50,000 worth of jewellery from a well-known Limerick business has been jailed for five years.


Patrick Hogan, 38, who has an address at Castlegrange, Church Road, Raheen has also admitted causing almost €40,000 worth of “wanton damage” at JJ Kenneally Jewellers, Wickham Street on August 30, 2017.


Mosul (Agenzia Fides) - "Christians represent one of the most authentic components of Iraq, and it saddens us to see them leave the Country". With these words, new Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi, on behalf of the whole country, expressed bitterness and apprehension due to the silent exodus of Christian communities who for centuries have been living in the territories of ancient Mesopotamia.




The World Watch List (WWL) concluded that 260 million Christians — from all denominations — were faced with persecution last year (an increase of 15 million from the 2019 WWL, which reported 245 million persecuted Christians). The 2020 WWL noted that one of every eight Christians in the countries targeted by the study experiences a high level of persecution because of his faith.






PEACE PLAN; Trump’s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan runs to 181 pages.


Accompanying the SEALs was Chief Petty Officer Special Warfare Operator Edward C. Byers Jr., a Catholic with a devotion to St. Michael the Archangel.


A SEAL since 2001, Byers had already seen seven straight years of combat. He was unaware of the feast day due the gravity of the operation and lack of access to a church.




What Should We Do about Our Aging Prison Population?


By Hope Reese


In the U.S., more people are dying of old age in prison than ever before. American prisons, in other words, are holding a swelling population of elderly inmates. According to Bureau of Justice figures from 2017, nearly 200,000 people aged 55 and older are incarcerated in America. And by 2030, the number of elderly prisoners is expected to reach 400,000.




Of the 1.5 million adults currently in state and federal prisons, the 55+ demographic represents roughly twelve percent, which represents a 300 percent spike in the elderly population since 1999. In the six years between 2001 and 2007 alone, 8,486 people over the age of 55 died behind bars.




” Maschi told me. “But it costs $68,000 a year to keep an aging person in prison, whereas it’s only $22,000 for a younger person.”




Also, roughly 50 percent of prisoners reportedly suffer from mental health issues, according to the American Psychological Association.




Dublin Metropolitan Police: Removal of Superintendent O’Connor


Tell your friends about From-Ireland.net!




The Commissioners of the Dublin Metropolitan Police have deemed it necessary to visit their displeasure a serious violation of police duty committed by Mr. Superintendent O’Connor, in having caused a suspected thief to be brought, on Saturday evening, the 27th ult., from the office of the G division to South Great George’s Street, and thence to Chancery lane station house, with a label around his hat, on which the words “Thief” and “Swell Mob” were written.




The orders to the police are to protect every person in custody from insult or injury in every possible way. Mr. Superintendent O’Connor is removed from his division and his rank, but with the option of accepting an inspectorship in another division, or retiring from the service. The commissioners we are informed, accompany this order with the remark, that but for Mr. O’Connor’s past services, performed with a zeal, integrity and intelligence, which entitled him to much consideration, as well as certain extenuating circumstances in the case, he would have been removed altogether from the force. Mr. O’Connor has been instrumental in banishing more thieves out of Dublin than all his colleagues collectively. Mr. Augustus Guy, inspector of the B division is appointed superintendent of the division in the room of Mr. O’Connor, the office of the branch of the force to be in College Street.


From, The King’s Co. Chronicle Vol. 1 No. 3 Wednesday, Oct 6th, 1845










Official Authorities, 1834, Co. Kerry


Tell your friends about From-Ireland.net!


Population 1821 : 216,185; 1831 : 264,559




The Sacred Heart Review, Volume 46, Number 20, 4 November 1911






The editor of the Denver Catholic Register whose name (O'Ryan) indicates the source to which he traces his life-stream, declares that while he is not affected with any undying partiality or love for England, still, to give England her due, he is constrained to print a story told by a prominent French-Canadian politician:— Two years ago [says M. Lemieux] I was in Rome, at the time of the execution of Ferrer, the Socialist. There was a rising all over Europe. For many days riot ruled in many cities. In Paris, Rome, Madrid, thousands of citizens attacked the Catholic Ambassadors because a Catholic country had executed a Socialist. I went to see a great Canadian in Rome, Abbe Clapin, of the Seminary of St. Sulpice. I crossed the street, passing through ranks of soldiers and rioters. I asked him: "Don't you fear these attacks against religion?" He went out and pointed to the dome and said: " The cross is protected by the flag of England, and no rioter would dare touch the cross while the British flag floats over it." It is a flag symbolizing justice, tolerance and power.




Anarchist Psychology


New Zealand Tablet , 25 November 1909, Page 1849


Anarchist Psychology






Ferrer in Australia


New Zealand Tablet , 4 November 1909, Page 1744


Ferrer in Australia


A recent cable message stated that the anarchist Ferrer left, by will, all his property to two Barcelona anarchists excluding his own family from all participation in his estate. Ferrer, about whose execution for high complicity in the recent Barcelona outrages there has lately been such a buzz in anarchist and other circles spent at least four months in Melbourne. So much we learn from the Melbourne 'Argus.' A Spanish resident of Melbourne, who knew him well, supplied the 'Argus' with some interesting information regarding his life, personality and family affairs. 'I knew him from the time he was a boy, working as a guard on the railway between Barcelona and Marseilles. He married young, and had- two daughters, whom he brought to Australia. His brother was growing tomatoes at Bendigo on a property owned by Councillor Carolin, of that city. Ferrer himself came out between eight and ten years ago. 'I remember him very well indeed— a tall, fine, dark man with a long, dark beard. In Australia he gave no sign of his anarchist convictions. He left his daughters with their uncle. They married afterwards, and went back to Spain.  He was said to have been the instigator of tlife affair of Moral, and was-- the treasurer of the anarchist societies in Barcelona. The anarchists naturally worked all they could to save him, for his money and theirs will now go to the Treasury. When Ferrer got back to Europe he formed an attachment with a woman he met in France. She had money and he and she went back to Barcelona, and joined his brother when he, too, returned from Australia. They lived on a property, jointly owned, near the city— and had their money and the society's in the bank in a joint account. After the riot he knew' the police wanted him; he had his warning in the Moral affair. He intended to lie hidden for' awhile and then leave Spain. But the police were on the watch. He got out of Barcelona one night, and ran almost immediately into the patrol. They recognised him- in the bright moonlight it was about one o'clock. But they did not rush at him— they knew they had him safe. Where are you going, Senor?" they asked him politely. "To Barcelona," he replied. "But you are going the wrong way they pointed out. Then he changed his story. "You understand, Senors he said, "there is a lady in the case." They laughed 'in their sleeves, and let him tell his romantic story Then they arrested him. They knew him easily enough though he had shaved off his long, black beard. Inquiries in Bendigo show that Ferrer spent about a month there with his brother Jose and his two daughters known locally as 'Trina' and 'Tiz.' The latter was regarded by the residents of White Hills, where Jose Ferrer had his farm, as a more than usually clever girl for her years. She was a good linguist, and on one occasion was employed- by the police as an interpreter. Trina married a young Spaniard, and returned with him to Spain, while Tiz is believed to have returned to her father. Ferrer did nothing while he was in Bendigo, but is said to have taken an intelligent interest in local affairs. The 'Argus' views the execution of the anarchist Ferrer, who was the instigator of the outrages in Barcelona last August, as a thing that could not be avoided: 'The anticlerical turn which the demonstrations have taken in Northern Italy and other parts of Europe is due to the fact that Ferrer's teaching and- influence were as hostile to revealed religion as they were to government in general and monarchy in particular. The wild and extravagant language used in Trafalgar Square need not be taken very seriously, for it came principally from half a dozen fanatics who assert themselves in much the same way at every possible opportunity and a crowd of 8,000 nondescripts is not difficult to organise at any time in London.




Current Topics


New Zealand Tablet , 23 December 1909, Page 2009


The Ferrer Foolishness In the light of the full facts, as supplied in Home files, regarding the execution of Senor Ferrer, the hysterical outbursts indulged in by one or two high-pressure journalists in England and elsewhere are made to look extremely foolish. That the disciples and sympathisers of this professional Anarchist in Paris, Rome, Northern Italy, etc., should show the solidarity of their ideas, and methods by organising demonstrations was natural and understandable, but that educated journalists should, in a manner of speaking, ally themselves with this riff-raff rowdyism and play down to the popular and ignorant prejudice against Spain is a matter for which respectable and responsible journalism has reason to be heartily ashamed. The justification alleged for these diatribes against the Spanish Government was twofold: First, it was asserted that Ferrer was not an Anarchist, but a high-souled educationist founder of the only independent and liberal schools in Barcelona, a gentle personality and most amiable being full and running over with the milk of human kindness, secondly, even if Ferrer was an Anarchist, it was alleged that he was not given a fair trial.




Was Ferrer an Anarchist? On this point the evidence now available is absolutely conclusive. The Manchester Guardian, which was one of the papers that condemned the action of the Spanish Government, is authority for the statement that Ferrer himself described the object of his schools in these words 'To make children reflect upon the lies of religion, of government, of patriotism, of justice, of politics, and of militarism, and to prepare their brains for the social revolution.  The Paris correspondent of The Sunday Times, who was in frequent contact with Ferrer, says: At Barcelona he started his School of Liberty, a title he changed to Modern School, to avoid conflict with the authorities. It was a training centre for the dissemination of anarchism and atheism in Spain, and dependent from it he opened twenty branch schools throughout the country. An item among others of his teaching was to recommend that weapons should be poisoned when used for political assassination, so as not to miss the mark. Just as Ticino was the centre of Italian anarchy years ago, so Barcelona was, under Ferrer, the headquarters of Spanish anarchy.' Amongst those who were employed in Ferrer's schools in very literally 'teaching the young idea how to shoot was Morrall, the man who threw the bomb in the murderous attempt to assassinate the King and Queen of Spain. A further idea of the nature of the instruction imparted by Ferrer and his friends may be gathered from the following extract from the prospectus of these so-called Lay Schools The flag, a rag of different colors, stuck at the end of a stick, is the symbol of tyranny and misery. Soldiers should use their weapons to kill those who armed them. When war is declared, every soldier should declare a strike. Every evil, every suffering, every injustice, is due to that stupid and brutal thing called native land." The wonder is, not that Ferrer should have ultimately been severely dealt with, but that any Government should have been found to tolerate such an educationist so long.




But even an Anarchist is entitled to justice, and we are called upon therefore to face the question ; Did Ferrer receive a fair trial? It is admitted that the trial was by court-martial, but a court composed of Spanish officers is not necessarily either incompetent or corrupt. And the point is that the procedure adopted in the case of Ferrer was that which is always followed in the case of military offences, and was precisely the same as that observed in the case of the other rioters, humble fighters in the ranks of anarchy, who were tried by the same military tribunal and sentenced and shot, without any man protesting and without any man caring. The following testimony as to the nature and competency of these military courts is at least disinterested, seeing that the witness was, at the time of writing, himself awaiting trial by a court-martial in Spain. The Madrid correspondent of the Dublin Freeman's Journal, writing on October 17, says 'I am myself accused of three press offences which will be tried by court-martial, and I am able to assure you that I prefer a thousand times to appear before a tribunal composed of military judges than before a civil tribunal, for the simple reason that never has a court-martial in Spain allowed itself to be influenced either by political, passion or official pressure. Courts-martial in this country consist of one colonel and six captains, drawn by lot from among the officers of the garrison. Similar rights to those enjoyed by English prisoners of challenging a jury are enjoyed by the accused before a court-martial, who can challenge any of the military judges. The verdict is by majority, and the sentence must be approved by the Captain-General. In case of a disagreement between the judges, the sentence is considered by the Superior Council of the Army and Navy. During the preliminary inquiries the accused has the right to call all the evidence in his favor. It is for this reason that no witnesses are called at the trial before the court-martial, where all the depositions of the witnesses for the prosecution and the defence who were heard at the preliminary inquiry are read out. If it is true that this procedure is old fashioned, it is also true that everyone, military or civil who is accused of military offences is tried in accordance with the procedure. Thus hundreds of generals, colonels, captains, and lieutenants, as well as many civilians, have at different times been tried according to the same rules of procedure which prevailed at the court-martial before which Ferrer was tried, and nobody has ever been known to protest against such procedure until Ferrer was brought up to answer the indictment preferred against him.


In Ferrer s case, as in the others, all the prescribed conditions were carefully observed. At the preliminary inquiry no fewer than fifteen witnesses swore that Ferrer had initiated the riots in Premia and in Masnou, while three others testified to seeing him actually leading a group of rioters in Barcelona. During the period of twenty-eight days allowed by the military code for presenting testimony in favor of the accused, nobody had come forward with any help. A captain of engineers, however, Don Francisco Galceran, was appointed his counsel, and had eight days to prepare for the trial. The trial itself took place in the presence of two hundred reporters and about two hundred and fifty of the general public. The first step was the reading of the Summary of the case—that is, an account of the steps taken by the authorities in imprisoning the accused and in searching his house, of the depositions of witnesses and the answers of the accused to their testimony and his statements when confronted by the same witnesses! then came the prosecutor's address, and that of counsel for the defence, after which Ferrer was asked if he had anything to say in his own behalf. The court took four days to consider the evidence, and then, by a unanimous verdict, found the man guilty. The Barcelona correspondent of the Times, writing before the sentence had been carried out, said Public opinion here may be divided into three categories. Most of the Conservatives and friends of order consider that the trial was conducted with the greatest possible fairness, and was absolutely conclusive, that no other sentence but that of death can be expected, and that it ought to be carried into execution. Another section does not go quite so far, but believes that Ferrer was sufficiently seriously mixed up in. the occurrences of Barcelona during the last week in July to warrant conviction. A third section consists of members of the extreme Radical party though by no means all even of them hold that his complicity has not been proved and that the trial was inconclusive. To sum up: The evidence now available shows— (l) That Ferrer was tried in accordance with the existing rules of procedure in Spain, which may be good or bad, but which are equally used for everyone. (2) That a tribunal composed of one colonel and six captains, men of undoubted honor, after carefully and patiently weighing the evidence were unanimous in judging the accused to be guilty. And (3) that in Spain, where the facts were best known, the trial, conviction, and sentence met with general approval the only people who even professed to think the trial inconclusive being a portion of the members of one section of the extreme Radical party. We have used only a portion of the material at our disposal, but we have, we think, advanced sufficient to amply refute the frothy fudge about Ferrer indulged in by some of the reckless and ill-informed writers in the English press.




Feb 1st: St Brigid - 'Mary of the Gaels'

You were a woman of peace.

You brought harmony where there was conflict.

You brought light to the darkness.

You brought hope to the downcast.

May the mantle of your peace

cover those who are troubled and anxious,

and may peace be firmly rooted in our hearts and in our world.

Inspire us to act justly and to reverence all God has made.

Brigid you were a voice for the wounded and the weary.

Strengthen what is weak within us.

Calm us into a quietness that heals and listens.

May we grow each day into greater

wholeness in mind, body and spirit.




A powerful letter from my great-great-grandfather, who escaped slavery in 1855

TED Guest Author

How a letter written in 1855 gave Kyra Gaunt a whole new perspective on slavery.


White Americans aren’t the only ones who don’t like to remember slavery and its history.


According to the Office of Minority Health, in 2012 there were 43.1 million people who identify as African-American. I could lay money that, next year, fewer than 1 percent will publicly celebrate the 150th anniversary of June 19th, or what we call “Juneteenth” — also known as Freedom Day and Emancipation Day — even though the holiday is recognized in 43 of our so-called United States. It was on this day in 1865 that, two years after Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, the state of Texas freed the last enslaved Africans in America.


Many African-Americans don’t have detailed stories about our enslaved ancestors or their escape. At least, my family didn’t. When I grew up, no one in our community talked about slaves. Slaves were objects in public debates, always referred to in some generalized manner. The talk was always “we come from slaves” (not enslaved African people).


We were property, not human beings whose culture and nationality was stripped with every stroke of a slavemaster’s whip. So I was struck to my core with tears when I recently read a copy of a letter written by my great-great-grandfather in 1855. He’d recently escaped slavery in Portsmouth, Virginia, on the Underground Railroad. When he reached Philadelphia, he sent this note to a friend, entreating him to help his (first) wife and children, who were in jail — left behind as a casualty of his emancipation.


Here is the letter, unedited and in full:



BOSTON, MASS., Feb. 15th, 1855.


No. 2, Change Avenue.


MY DEAR FRIEND:—Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of the Lord and humanity to do something for my Poor Wife and children who lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three month i Would open myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince you of my cencerity of Purpoest don’t shut your ears to the cry’s of the Widow and the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows the heart of all men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lettle ones i cant do any thing Place as i am for i have to lay low Please lay this before the churches of Philadelphaise beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change with her but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffer for the jail in the South are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the Slave hunters Says & may God interpose in behalf of the demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim desendent i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as such Please do all you can and Please ask the Anti Slavery friends to do all they can and God will Reward them for it i am shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration.




Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for God knows it is tha truth i sue for your Pity and all and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor Woman and two children. The Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day for me and see if the cant do something for humanity.


I wept deeply when I read this letter and an accompanying account of a merciless whipping before his escape. His writing spoke of options I never, even as a professor, realized a slave could have.


Here was a literate man well versed in writing by 1855, who clearly articulates the value of his freedom, five years after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act from the Compromise of 1850 – which ended Reconstruction and led to the discriminatory, second-class-ranking Jim Crow laws. He could have been snatched back to Virginia if ever found in Boston by his lawful captors.


This is more than any memory passed down orally and better than any autobiography published in a book. It was evidence of a liberated truth. It was a local knowledge penned by a formerly enslaved man’s full grasp of a belief in God, in his humanity and in the justice of being newly free.


It seemed like a miracle to read the words of someone I am related to, someone I could trace to my bloodline instead of some generalized story about slavery. Reading the handwritten words of my grandfather’s grandfather changed something in me.


It turns out that we were more than anything I had ever learned — more literate, more compassionate, more enlightened — and contemporary youth must be remembered to this kind of inscribed evidence of our cultural evolution. Evidence of owning not just one’s liberty but one’s own literacy. I can now claim my descendence from the Race of Africa from the words of my own kin, from within my immediate family, and not from some televised fiction.


The cherry-picked popular slave narratives or mediated memories from Alex Haley’s miniseries Roots are like secondhand clothes, mediated scripts of third-world stories. They carry no local knowledge or memory at all: they are broken memories of forced migrations thrown overboard.


When we do get to the real memories, we try to tell “the right” story, the “grotesque” how-could-they-do-this-to-us story, or the capitalism-was-built-on-the-back-of-the-debt-paid-with-our-free-labor-and-forced-sex story. There’s Toni Morrison’s beloved story of a mother killing her children rather than let them live as chattel slaves. Non-blacks aren’t the only ones who resist remembering slavery.


My great-great-grandfather lives first-hand: “i love my freedom.” We know slaves taught themselves to read and write. In this exchange of ideas written in 1855, Sheridan Ford speaks to not just valuing but owning his own freedom in ways no Hollywood script by Spielberg or Tarantino could ever aptly capture. Now I can’t wait to tell about his second wife, my great-great-grandmother Clarissa Davis, who escaped to freedom dressed as a man.


Ethnomusicologist and Baruch College-CUNY professor Kyra Gaunt, Ph.D,. is a 2009 TED Fellow. Her scholarship focuses on black girlhood, with special attention to their offline musical play and online content creation. She’s the author of The Games Black Girls Play.






Don’t grieve, for me for now I am free And if my parting has left a void Be not burdened with tears of sorrow

I followed the plan God laid for me. Then fill it with remembered joy. Enjoy the sunshine of this new day

I saw His face, I heard His call, A friendship shared, a laugh, a kiss

I took His hand and left it all, Ah yes, these things I too will miss ,

I could not stay another day, My life’s been full, I’ve savoured much

To love, to laugh, to work or play Perhaps my time seemed all too brief

Tasks left undone must stay that way Don’t shorten yours with undue grief



WORLD War One centenary is approaching. Details from The Western Front by William Sheehan. In 1915 they were well fed, Tinned meat and vegetables. Margarine, jam, cheese, bacon, bully beef, tea and sugar. Packets of pea soup and Oxo cubes are issued with rations. Pay day first since leaving England 5 Franks 4s/2p, beer is like dirty water, wine is 1s/8d per bottle, French soldiers get 2.5 pence per day. Some were able to get hot baths in big barrels two men to each barrel and their clothes were given hot ironing which killed any living creature on them. One group of soldiers went to a trench which the French had left, they found some buried in the walls of the trench, all around them were dead Frenchmen who were killed at Christmas 1914. British soldiers who were taken prisoners in the early days of the war were treated awful, starved into submission, seven days in prison was imposed on a soldier who took food from a pigs trough. Some Irish prisoners were sent to a camp and for a week were starved and then taken to a room where a banquet was laid out before them and on every plate was five sovereigns and sitting at the head of the table was Bailey an agent of Casement decorated with green and yellow ribbons, he wanted them to join a Regiment of Loyal Irishmen, even though they were starving only three volunteered to join, the rest were given a Turkish bath in a steam room and then sent out in the cold , many suffered greatly from the effects.



OLD BAILEY Trial 31st July 1882

WM. WALTER MORTON . I am a gunmaker, of 8, Railway Approach, London Bridge—I know the prisoner as Thomas Walsh, of 12, Charles Street, Hatton Garden, but I did not know his address when he first dealt with me, not till six months ago—I have sold him Snider rifles and military arms from time to time-this is a copy extracted from my books of his dealings with me—the first was an ordinary fowling-piece in August, 1875; then three Warner carbines on 27th November, 1878, at 14s. each, 2l. 2s.; 18th December, 4 Warner carbines at 14s., and 8 more on 7th January, 1879; 16th April, 10 Snider rifles, with bayonets, at 16s. 6d. and a bull-dog revolver; 10th June, 1878, 29 short Sniders, with sword bayonets and in the same month 50 central-fire cartridges; 5th July, 1880, 10 Snider rifles, with bayonets, at 26s.; 9th July, 2 instructors; I cannot explain what they are as I should like, but they carry a smaller cartridge than is used with the gun; January, 1881, 12 Sniders, with sword bayonets, 80s.; 2nd January, 1882, 1,000 Snider cartridges., 5l., and 2,000 revolver cartridges, 4. 50 bore; 8th September, 2 instructors and 300 caps; 30th September, 600 cartridges, 4. 50 bore, and 1,500 Snider cartridges—Walsh purchased all those, and they were taken into

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a cellar at No. 6, two or three doors lower down—they were always fetched—I once saw Walsh with a van when I went over the bridge with him—I did not see the carman—he always paid cash, except once—a tall, dark man, who appeared like a clergyman, came with him four or fire times; the prisoner did not tell me who the man was—-the man looked at the goods purchased—the prisoner did not tell me what he wanted the rifles, revolvers, and cartridges for, but he said that he was doing a Cape trade and dealing with yachts—yachts are armed, especially when they go to the Mediterranean—they were all new Enfield's—they were not converted—the stocks were perfect when I sold them.

Cross-examined. The rifles had the crown, and the Tower mark on them—it is usual for dealers to put that on; it is almost like a trade-mark—they were marked on the lock-plate with the number and the year they were made—the butts were not marked A1, B1, &c.—I should not put the Grown or Tower mark on a best Snider, I should simply put my name—dealers have private marks of their own.

Re-examined. Walsh gave me this I O U (produced)—it is his writing—I put the number of some of the cartridges in this account—this "1 m," on 9th July, stands for "1 mille," that is, 1,000. (The number of cartridges in the list cast up to 24,000)—I gave him a card to get cartridges from Eley, in addition to those I sold him—he is a cartridge manufacturer.

By MR. BIRON. In the last part of my account there is "1,000 Snider cartridges 94 D"—I charge 10s. 6d. per 100 retail—in the next page I charge only half, 5l. 10d. for 2,000, that is because I had a number "seized under the Explosives Act, and I was glad to get rid of some.

  EDWARD NEALER . I have been six years shopman to Mr. Morton—I have known the prisoner four years as a customer, and up to six months ago buying rifles, pistols, and cartridges—I knew him as T. Walsh, but did not know his address—he always fetched the things away himself—they were carried into Mr. Fuller's cellar, and packed there by our boy, Izzard—I have seen a van with the name of Johnson on it.

  FRANK IZZARD . I was formerly in Mr. Morton's service, I went in May, 1880, and left in December, 1881—I know the prisoner as a customer in the name of Thomas Walsh; I took rifles from the shop to Fuller's cellar, where they were packed in the prisoner's presence—the barrels were taken off the stocks, but they were not cut in my presence—I saw one which was cut in the shop, it came for repairs—about 20 were packed in one case, with bayonets complete, and the prisoner came there with a van and took them away—Lovelock is not the driver I have seen—I don't know where they were taken—I remember a young man with a dark moustache coming once with the prisoner, he took no part in the purchase, but on one occasion he took some cartridges away in a carpet bag and some on his shoulder in a parcel—I gold these instructors and 300 caps to him, he paid for them and took them away.

Cross-examined. I never saw an older man dressed as a clergyman come.

  JOHN WILLIAM CROOK . I am the receiver appinted with respect to Mr. Newby's partnership—I was appointed in December, 1880, but I took charge in July, 1880—1 was aware that a large quantity of rifles were stored at Blenheim Works, Hoxton, and at Suffolk Street, Southwark—George Wenham would deliver goods if sales were effected—I sold 500 Snider rifles to McKenzie Brothers, on July 19th, 1880; 500 in January, 1881, and

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500 on February 5th, and in June, 1881, 500 to Mr. Watson through Mr. Pinner—in January, 1881,1 sold some Snider cartridges to McKenzies, and in December, 1881, 10,000 cartridges were sold by Wenham—I made out the delivery orders at once; this (produced) is McKenzie's order to Purvis to deliver 500 Sniders—bayonets were attached to all the rifles, the price was 14s. 6d., including everything—they came to 1,450l.

  JAMES CHRISTIE MCKENZIE . I am a merchant, of 82, Mark Lane, and trade as McKenzie Brothers—I occasionally deal in rifles, ammunition, and bayonets—I had a customer, who dealt in the name of J. R. Armstrong, Anderton's Hotel, Fleet Street—I first saw him about August, 1879—I dealt with him for long and short Sniders, with sword-bayonets for the short ones and triangular for the long ones—on 4th February, 1881, I sold him 500 long Snider rifles at 15s. 6d. making 357l. 10s.; he paid for them in cash mm notes, against the delivery order (produced)—it was signed J. Courtin, at Armstrong's request—on 28th January, 1881,1 sold to Armstrong 500 long Sniders at 15s. 6d. and gave him this delivery order for 300. (The second order for 200 was missing.) On 28th June, 1881, I sold him 500 rifles, for which he paid 362l. 10s.—I purchased them through Mr. Watson and made out the invoice to J. Courtin, at Armstrong's request—also sold Armstrong 200 rifles and 25,000 cartridges, on August 27th, 1879, and the invoice was made out in the name of Signor S. Diego—that was our first sale—Armstrong gave me the name of Diego and Co. on several occasions—Armstrong was about my height, full faced, with a gingery short stubbly beard and moustache and whiskers—he always paid me in cash; I never had any other address from him.

  ALFRED BINGHAM . I am in Mr. Crook's employ—shortly before Christmas, 1881, I delivered 17 cases of rifles to the prisoner at the Blenheim Works each containing 20 rifles with bayonets—he came there with a delivery order and took them away in Johnson's van—Lovelock was the car-man—I had seen the prisoner on two or three occasions at the Blenheim Works and at Southwark Street, and knew him.

Cross-examined. I acted on the order quite disregarding who he was or what he was.

  GEORGE WENHAM . I am foreman to Mr. Crook; I have known the prisoner about four years—I have seen him at Eagle Wharf Road, South-wark Street—in July, 1880, I was in Mr. Newby's employ and saw Walsh there, before Mr. Crook was appointed—I have known him take long Snider rifles with bayonets away from Mr. Newby's—in June, 1881, some rifles were lying at the Blenheim Works to Mr. Crook's orders, and the prisoner came two or three months afterwards with Johnson's van, and I delivered to him eight cases of rifles and bayonets, with 20 rifles in each—the stocks were not cut—17 other cases containing 20 each were delivered by Bingham next day—I would not say that it was after June—I also sold the prisoner 10,000 cartridges; the whole sum was 16l. 10s.—he gave me a 5l. Bank of England note as a deposit—on 7th February, 1881, he called at 106, Southwark Street, and produced a delivery order from McKenzie Brothers for 500 rifles with bayonets, and I delivered a number that day, this is his receipt (For 10 cases of 20 each for Mr. Crook; signed J. J. W, Feb. 7th.) He came again on the 19th, and received 15 more cases, making 500 rifles and bayonets—he signed the book in a way which I

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cannot read—on 28th April he came again and received 25 cases containing 500 long Snider rifles and bayonets, to the order of McKenzie Brothers, and gave me this receipt. (Dated April 28th, and signed J. J. W. pro Diego and Co. or Disgo and Co.) Whatever the signature is the prisoner wrote it—he also had I think 10,000 cartridges to fit the rifles in December, 1881. EDWARD HENRY NEWBY. I traded as an Army contractor in 1881—I had a warehouse at Blenheim Works and another in the basement of 106, Southwark Street—at the dissolution of my partnership with Mr. Crook, in December, 1880, a receiver was appointed—my first transaction with the prisoner was 25th June, 1879, when I sold him 20 long Snider rifles and bayonets, price 17l., and he paid me in bank notes—he gave his address, 36, Percy Street, "West—the second transaction was on 16th April, 1880; two cases of long Sniders and bayonets at 16s., 32l., and on 2nd July, 20 long snidereand bayonets, 16l., and on 20th July, 20 more, making 120—the rest of the transactions took place with the receiver.'

Cross-examined. I did not see Armtsrong, and never had anything to do with him—I only saw the prisoner.

Re-examined. He got the goods from my place of business, Chatham Buildings, New Bridge Street.

The friendly fires of hell

Talkbacks for this article: 22

On May 3, 1945 - in the worst friendly-fire incident in history - Britain's Royal Air Force killed more than 7,000 survivors of Nazi concentration camps who were crowded onto ships in L beck harbor, Germany. The ragged masses that had survived the Holocaust stood no chance against the guns of their liberators.

This tragic mistake occurred one day before the British accepted the surrender of all German forces in the region. Reports of the incident were quickly hushed up - as a jubilant world prepared to celebrate the Allied victory in Europe.

Despite the bitter irony of dying in hellish fires on sinking ships just hours before liberation, the tragedy was quickly forgotten or resolutely ignored. The anniversary of this dark day will soon pass by again - largely unnoticed or unmentioned.

By early May 1945, the rumors of Hitler's suicide had rekindled hope for beleaguered prisoners in Nazi concentration camps. The Red Army had just conquered Berlin, the British held Hamburg and Americans were in Munich and Vienna. After surviving unspeakable horrors and deprivations for years, the battered prisoners could finally dare to hope that their day of deliverance was at hand.

In the closing weeks of World War II, thousands of prisoners from the Neuengamme concentration camp near Hamburg, the Mittelbau-Dora camp at Nordhausen and the Stutthof camp near Danzig were marched to the German Baltic coast. Most of the inmates were Jews and Russian POWs, but they also included communist sympathizers, pacifists, Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals, prostitutes, Gypsies and other perceived enemies of the Third Reich.

At the port of L beck almost 10,000 camp survivors were crowded onto three ships: Cap Arcona, Thielbeck and Athen. No one knew what the Nazis were planning to do, or what plans the Allies had already set into motion.

Although the final surrender was imminent, British Operational Order No. 73 for May 3 was to "destroy the concentration of enemy shipping in L beck Bay." While thousands of camp prisoners were being ferried out to the once-elegant Hamburg-Sud Amerika liner Cap Arcona, the RAF's 263rd, 197th, 198th and 184th squadrons were arming their Hawker Typhoon fighter-bombers with ammunition, bombs and rockets.

At 2:30 p.m. on May 3, at least 4,500 prisoners were aboard the Cap Arcona as the first attack began. Sixty-four rockets and 15 bombs hit the liner in two separate attacks. As the British strafed the stricken ship from the air, Nazi guards on shore fired on those who made it into the water. Only 350 prisoners survived.

The Thielbeck - which had been flying a white flag - and the poorly marked hospital ship Deutschland were attacked next. Although Thielbeck was just a freighter in need of repairs, it was packed with 2,800 prisoners. The overcrowded freighter sank in just 20 minutes, killing all but 50 of the prisoners.

In less than two hours, more than 7,000 concentration camp refugees were dead from the friendly fire. Two thousand more would have died if the captain of the Athen had not refused to take on additional prisoners in the morning before the attack.

MOST WHO were familiar with the Cap Arcona disaster believed that the Nazis intended to sink the ships at sea to kill everyone on board. Hundreds of prisoners had already been killed on the forced marches from the camps. In this case, however, RAF Fighter Command did their killing for them.

In the Cap Arcona/Thielbeck/Athen disaster, the tragic deaths of so many who had suffered so much for so long were quickly forgotten. After years of unprecedented bloodletting and destruction, the nations involved were in shambles, their populations numbed by suffering and death. The unfortunate victims who perished at the close of history's worst conflagration were quickly lost in the fleeting euphoria of peace.

Continued from page 1 of 3)

In 1945, at the close of the war in Europe, the victorious British and their American allies did not want a media disaster overshadowing their V-E Day celebrations. When the extent of the friendly-fire incident became known at Westminster, the British government and Allied Command effectively prevented most news of the disaster from spreading from Germany.

Beyond war-weariness and postwar jubilation, other factors conspired to ensure that the valiant prisoners who died at the threshold of freedom would not be given much attention in the world press. In a war in which the British had paid so high a price to defeat the Nazis, to even criticize their forces was tantamount to siding with the devil. Then postwar Germany quickly became one of the "good guys" as an important frontline ally in the Cold War against communism. As such, most Germans preferred not to draw attention to their own war atrocities.

Millions of Jews, Russians, Serbs, Poles and others had already been killed by the Nazis. Tens of millions more were homeless refugees, with many near starvation. The memory of 7,000 or 8,000 concentration camp survivors killed by mistake would soon wash away in the tide of history in a violent age. Britain has never officially apologized for its tragic mistake at L beck Bay, nor has it honored the innocent victims with a proper memorial.

The RAF records of the disaster are sealed until 2045, one century after the attack. No British government document has referred to the estimated 7,500 victims of its mistake.

In May 1990, Germany opened a two-room museum dedicated to the memory of the victims of the Cap Arcona tragedy in the small port city of Neustadt-in-Holstein. A memorial monument was erected on the beach nearby at Pelzerhaken, where many of the bodies washed ashore and were buried. Other monuments were erected along L beck Bay and at the Neuengamme Camp Memorial southeast of Hamburg.

Much has been written in German about the tragedy, but surprisingly little about the Cap Arcona has made it to the English press.

On a recent visit to the memorial, a helpful resident of Neustadt said to me: "So your family is German?" I said, "No." "Oh, then you are Jewish?" Again I said, "No."

My new acquaintance looked puzzled. Eventually he asked: "Well how could you possibly know about this?" I asked myself: "Why did it take me a half century to find out?"

A Jewish dental student, Benjamin Jacobs, gives a firsthand account of the friendly fire attack in The Dentist of Auschwitz (University of Kentucky Press, 1995). Along with Eugene Pool, the Boston dentist also wrote The 100 Year Secret: Britain's Hidden World War II Massacre (Lyons Press, 2004). Documentaries on the subject, such as Lawrence Bond's Typhoons' Last Storm, have had only limited publicity.

According to legend, Pheidippides was an Athenian herald who ran from the battlefield at Marathon to Athens 2,500 years ago. After announcing the Greek victory over the Persians, he allegedly died on the spot. The tale has been widely propagated by organizers of modern athletic events.

Surviving the horrors of concentration camps - one day at a time - is in many respects like a marathon run. Mere survival under such brutal conditions surely tested the endurance of both body and spirit. And like the mythical runner, thousands of inmates made it all the way to the end of their agonizing journeys only to perish at the finish line. A half-century after the ill-fated air raid, we still know very little about the Jews, the Russians and other prisoners who survived so much before dying on the finish line in May 1945.

(Continued from page 2 of 3)

By the time British records are unsealed in 2045, all children and most grandchildren of the victims will be gone. Historians will pore over the tragic details of the Cap Arcona disaster with the same level of detachment that we now feel for events such as the Franco-Prussian War or the siege of Sevastopol.

There is no question that the friendly-fire fiasco was a tragic error made during a routine military operation. Despite the terrible consequences, few reasonable people would condemn the British for their ill-fated raid. Some Hitler apologists have even attempted to use such mistakes to blame the Allies for monstrous crimes committed by the Nazis. Yet the continued avoidance of criticizing friends does not justify shunning all mention of the innocent victims of the attack. Whether embarrassing or not, the 7,500 Cap Arcona victims deserve to be remembered.

Risking Their Lives to Survive Poverty
Without Safety Gear or Ventilation, Young Boys Work in Dangerous Bolivian Mine
POTOSI, Bolivia, April 4, 2008

While most 15-year-old boys are on their way to school in the morning, Julio Cesar Gutierrez is on his way to work.

04.04.08: Dangerous mine in Bolivia has young workers risking their lives.

More Photos
He toils inside the Cerro Rico, or "rich mountain" of Potosí, for the fabled Bolivian silver that looms at the peak at the Andes mountains, dominating every view of the highest city in the world. It is the oldest mine in the Americas and one of the oldest working mines in the world.

It is also one of the most dangerous.

The entrance to the mine is muddy, with a sloping ceiling. At 15,000 feet above sea level you have to work to take in each breath.

Gutierrez took ABC News into the mine with his older brother Luis Alberto and some other boys. It was a daunting tour inside what truly is a hell on Earth. An estimated 20,000 people work each day, including 1,000 children.

Inside there are no lights except for the workers' head lamps, and there is no ventilation, or safety equipment. Often there is just one exit; if a shaft collapses there is no way out.

Gutierrez began working outside the mine when he was just 6 years old; he's been working inside since he was 12.

"I hate it," he said in Spanish. "It's very dangerous for children."

The Mountain That Eats Men
Potosí may be the most important place in the history of the modern world that most people have never heard of. The Spanish discovered silver in Potosí in 1545. The mine was so rich that historians say its wealth single-handedly fueled the Spanish conquest of the Americas. They call it "The Mountain That Eats Men."

It is estimated that 8 million American Indian and African slaves died in forced labor at the mine. Amid the colonial remnants of what was once a magnificent city sits the massive Spanish royal mint, now a museum that shows just a fraction of the mother lode that made this remote mountainous place the largest city in the world by the year 1650. And the richest.

And yet all that is left behind is poverty, a poverty of such extreme desperation that it sends men and boys into the 400 mines burrowed into the mountain's belly to scratch out the most meager of livings.

While technically the mines are owned by private companies, in reality there are no owners. They are run as cooperatives.

Fernando Vasquez, director of social management for Bolivia's Cooperative Mining Sector, told ABC News the coops need a lot of investment to improve safety conditions.

In this, the poorest country in South America, there are no safety inspections of mines. The government does, however, provide guidelines and seminars to promote safety.

In the end, Vasquez says safety is solely the responsibility of each mining company or cooperative, which is why what we saw inside looked almost medieval: no safety gear, no power, no ventilation.

The boys told us to run through one section with broken beams overhead, knowing it could collapse at any moment. We heard the distant sound of drills as we wound our way through the snaking tunnels and narrow shafts.

'It Makes Me So Sad to See Him Working There'
John Trew, senior technical adviser on child labor at the charity CARE USA, traveled to Potosí to talk to us about CARE's work there. He has traveled the world studying child labor and trying to improve conditions for children, and he is horrified by what he sees here.

He says it is "by far the worst" of the child labor conditions he has seen. "It is truly one of the worst hazardous experiences of the environment, which children can be faced with -- not just from the short-term hazard that they face but the long-term health consequences."

View local photos here http://knockanure.myphotoalbum.com




Dáil Éireann - Volume 114 - 02 March, 1949

Ceisteanna-Questions. Oral Answers. - Moyvane Sub-Post Office Vacancy.

Éamon Ó Cíosáin Éamon Ó Cíosáin

Éamon Ó Cíosáin asked the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs if he will indicate the reason for the unusually long delay in filling a vacancy for an auxiliary postman at Moyvane sub-post office (Newtownsandes), County Kerry.

Mr. Everett Mr. Everett

Mr. Everett: The necessary inquiries in this case are nearly completed and it is hoped to make an appointment in the near future. There has been no avoidable delay.



Dáil Éireann - Volume 30 - 20 June, 1929

Written Answers. - Dáil Eireann Loan.

Gearóid O Beoláin Gearóid O Beoláin

Gearóid O Beoláin asked the Minister for Finance whether he will state if Cormac McDermott, Main Street, Castlerea (now living in Cloonarrow, Castlerea), subscribed £5 (five pounds sterling) to Dáil Eireann Loan, 1919-20; and, if so, when he proposes to repay it.

Mr. Blythe Mr. Blythe

Mr. Blythe: Authority to issue a Savings Certificate to Mr. Cormac McDermott, of Cloonarrow, Castlerea, which will enable him to obtain repayment of his subscription to the Dáil Eireann Loan, has been given to the Department of Posts and Telegraphs.

Séamus O Riain Séamus O Riain


[1471] Séamus O Riain asked the Minister for Finance whether the following are registered as subscribers to Dáil Eireann Loan for the following amounts: Andrew Parle (£5), Michael Redmond (£1), John Lambert (£1), Michael Forde (£1), Edmund Murphy (£2), B. Murphy (£1), W. Walsh (£1), J. Keating (£1), P. Carey (£1), J. Fitzhenry (£1), and R. O'Brien (£1), all of Tagoat, Co. Wexford.

Mr. Blythe Mr. Blythe

Mr. Blythe: I would refer the Deputy to previous replies given by me to similar questions and to the statement I made in the Dáil on the 22nd June, 1928. The claim of any subscriber who applied in writing before the expiration of the prescribed time for repayment of his subscription will be dealt with in my Department in due course.

Gearóid O Beoláin Gearóid O Beoláin

Gearóid O Beoláin asked the Minister for Finance if he is aware that Mr. Michael Finan (Philip), Lisalway, Castlerea, sent his receipt for £1 (one pound) subscribed to the Dáil Eireann Loan, 1919-20, to the Finance Department twelve months ago, and has not since been repaid; if he will state whether it is intended to repay Mr. Finan's subscription; and if he will give instructions for the return of the receipt.

Mr. Blythe Mr. Blythe

Mr. Blythe: Authority to issue a Savings Certificate to Mr. Michael Philip Finan of Lisalway, Castlerea, which will enable him to obtain repayment of his subscription of £1 (One Pound) to the Dáil Eireann Loan, has been given to the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. It is not the practice to return receipts in cases in which repayment has been authorised.

Mr. T. Crowley Mr. T. Crowley


Mr. T. Crowley asked the Minister for Finance whether he will state how soon he expects to be in a position to authorise issue of Savings Certificates to the following subscribers to Dáil Eireann Internal Loan (1919-20):-Mrs. Deborah M. Condon. Ruphla, Kilfinane, Co. Limerick, £25; Patrick Kennelly, Ballinagoul, Glin, Co. Limerick, £2; Thomas Dillane, Kinnard, Glin, Co. Limerick, £3; Margaret Pierce, Ross, Dromcollogher, Co. Limerick, £3; [1472] Maurice Drake, Ballinacourty, Kilfinane, Co. Limerick, £25; and Daniel D. Casey, Killeedy, Ballagh, Charleville, Co. Cork, £5.

Mr. Blythe Mr. Blythe

Mr. Blythe: I would refer the Deputy to previous replies given by me to similar questions and to the statement I made in the Dáil on the 22nd June, 1928. The claim of any subscriber who applied in writing before the expiration of the prescribed time for repayment of his subscription will be dealt with in my Department in due course.



Dáil Éireann - Volume 22 - 28 March, 1928



Mr. S. JORDAN asked the Minister for Finance on what grounds the old age pension granted to Bridget Kilkelly, Ryehill, Monivea, was reduced by 3/-, and whether the Minister will now consider restoring this amount to her.


Mr. BLYTHE: Local inquiries are being made in this case. Perhaps the Deputy will be good enough to repeat the question in about ten days' time.



Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state for what reasons the old age pension has been refused Mr. James Kissane, Kilcock Upper, Liselton, Co. Kerry; whether [1865] he is aware that Kissane is entirely dependent on the charity of his nephew, and has no means; and whether he is aware that but for the charity of his nephew this man would have to get out-door relief or go to the county home.

MINISTER for LOCAL GOVERNMENT and PUBLIC HEALTH (General Mulcahy) Richard (General) Mulcahy

MINISTER for LOCAL GOVERNMENT and PUBLIC HEALTH (General Mulcahy): An appeal was received on the 12th of November, 1927, arising out of this claim. It was determined on the 1st of December, 1927, that the claimant was not entitled to any pension, as it was not clear that his means, consisting of his maintenance by his nephew, were less than £39 5s. a year, the statutory limit for the receipt of a pension. In calculating means for old age pension purposes account must be taken of the yearly value of any benefit or privilege enjoyed by a claimant.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state the reasons why the old age pension at the rate of 9s. per week, has been refused to Mrs. M. Doran, Lyracrompane, Listowel; and if he is aware that she is absolutely destitute and entirely dependent on her relatives for support.


General MULCAHY: This case came up on appeal in January last. It was reported that the claimant was maintained by her sister, a farmer and shopkeeper, and as it was not clear on the evidence submitted that the yearly value of her support was less than £39 5s. 0d., the claim was disallowed on the 31st of January, 1928. In calculating means for old age pension purposes account must be taken of the yearly value of any benefit or privilege enjoyed by a claimant.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state why John Carroll, Ballinorig West, Ardfert, Kerry, has been refused the old age pension; and whether the Minister is aware that he is partially dependent on the charity of his relatives.



General MULCAHY: This case has not come before me so far on appeal, [1866] and I have therefore no information in regard to it. I have, however, referred it to the Minister for Finance who will probably be in a position to reply to the Deputy shortly.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state the reasons why Ellen Prendiville, Ballincloher, Lixnaw, has been refused the old age pension; and whether he is aware that some months ago two old age pensioners made affidavits before a Peace Commissioner that she was over 70 years.


General MULCAHY: This claim is at present under consideration on appeal on the ground of insufficient evidence of age. The only definite evidence so far furnished is the record that the claimant was 20 years old when married on the 29th of January, 1881. A certificate has, however, been produced of a child, said to be claimant's first-born, baptised on the 15th of March, 1873. Further investigation is being made, and a decision will be given as soon as possible.


Mr. HENRY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he is aware that Mary Doyle, of Cleragh, Kiltimagh, County Mayo, was passed by the Kiltimagh Sub-Committee of the Old Age Pensions for a pension which was appealed against successfully by the Pension Officer; if he will give the reasons; and if he will have the matter further investigated.


General MULCAHY: The Kiltimagh Pension Sub-Committee granted an old age pension of 9/- a week to this claimant on the 4th of January, 1928. An appeal was received on the ground of age. It was reported that no birth or baptismal certificate was produced, and that the claimant was merely recorded as of "full age" when married on 12th February, 1884. It was not clear that the statutory age had been attained, and the claim was disallowed on the 2nd of February, 1928. This decision is final and conclusive, and the case cannot now be reopened. If, however, more definite evidence of age can be produced, it is open to the claimant to make a fresh claim in the usual way.



[1867] Mr. S. JORDAN asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health on what grounds the old age pension granted to Michael Hanly, Monivea (Tuam area) was refused.


General MULCAHY: No evidence was received from this claimant to show that he fulfilled the statutory conditions as to age or residence-and the claim was, therefore, disallowed on appeal on the 2nd of July, 1926.


Mr. S. JORDAN asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health on what grounds the old age pension granted to Brigid Martyn, Cartymore, Athenry, was reduced.


General MULCAHY: An appeal on grounds of age and means was received in this case on the 11th of April, 1927, against the proposed allowance of a pension of 9/- a week by the Oranmore Pension Sub-Committee. The value of the claimant's maintenance by her son-in-law was estimated at £31 4s. a year. While the appeal was under consideration this estimate was not challenged, and by a decision dated the 21st of June, 1927, a pension of 4/- a week was allowed as from the 8th of January, 1927.


Mr. COLOHAN asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health whether he is aware that Michael Gorman, Kilgowan, Kilcullen, County Kildare (Ref. No. 957) states that his only income is the old age pension of six shillings, which is now being paid to him; whether he will give the reasons for refusal to pay the full pension; and if he will have further inquiries made in the case.



General MULCAHY: This pensioner, who is in receipt of an old age pension of 6/- a week, raised a question for an increase which came up on appeal in July last. It was reported that he received support in return for labour on a large holding of land. While the appeal was under consideration he failed to furnish any evidence in support of his application, and it was therefore determined on the 26th of August, 1927, that he was not entitled to a pension at a higher rate than 6/- a week. Decisions given on appeal in old age pension cases cannot be reconsidered, [1868] but if the claimant's circumstances have since changed it is open to him to raise a question for an increase in pension in the usual way.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health why Mrs. Johanna Quilter, Ahabeg, Lixnaw, County Kerry, has been refused the old age pension; if he is aware that Mrs. Quilter cannot find any record as regards her age, and if he will instruct the local officer to interview the applicant again, and report on her age from her appearance; and if he is aware that, not being originally from Ahabeg, Mrs. Qiulter finds it very difficult to get any old age pensioners to make declarations or affidavits as to her age.


General MULCAHY: In this case an appeal was decided on the 22nd of October, 1927. It was determined that the claimant was not entitled to any pension, as it was not clear on the evidence submitted that she had attained the statutory age. Her name was not found in a search covering the years 1843 to 1867 in the Baptismal Register. The only members of her family whose names were found were Mary, baptised 15th September, 1844, and Francis, baptised 28th July, 1850. The years 1845, 1846, 1847, and part of 1848, are, however, missing from the Register.

While the appeal was under consideration special attention was given to the investigation of age, but the claimant was apparently unable to get anyone to vouch for her age except her relatives, and the two relatives who made declarations were not much more than 60 years of age.

The case can only be revived by the making of a fresh claim in the usual way, if further evidence is now available. It should, however, be noted that while every assistance is given to claimants the onus of proof of qualification lies on them.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state for what reason Mrs. Catherine McCarthy, Clahane, Ballyduff, Tralee, has been refused the old age pension; and if he is aware that she is entirely destitute and living on the charity of her friends.



[1869] General MULCAHY: An appeal was decided on the 18th of January, 1928, in this case. It was determined that the claimant was not entitled to any pension as it was not clear on the evidence submitted that she fulfilled the statutory condition as to residence, i.e., twelve years since attaining the age of 50 years.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if he will state for what reason Daniel Nolan, Knockbrack, Knocknagoshel, County Kerry, is not receiving the old age pension at the rate of 9/- per week.


General MULCAHY: An appeal was decided on the 7th of December, 1927, in this case. It was determined that the claimant was not entitled to any pension, as it was not clear on the evidence submitted that his means, as calculated under the Old Age Pensions Acts, were within the statutory limit (of £39 5s. a year) for the receipt of a pension.


Mr. J. CROWLEY asked the Minister for Local Government and Public Health whether he will state the reasons why the old age pension of Maurice Kennelly, Kilgorvin, Ballylongford, Kerry, has been reduced from 6/- to 2/-.


General MULCAHY: This pensioner was originally in receipt of an old age pension of 6/- a week, the value of his maintenance being estimated at 14/- a week. Under the review which took place in accordance with the provisions of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1924, the pension was, therefore, reduced to 2/- a week.

A question raised by the pensioner for an increase was disallowed by the Lisselton Pension Sub-Committee on the 25th of May, 1925, and their decision was confirmed on appeal on the 14th of July, 1925.

A further question by the pensioner was also disallowed on appeal on the 24th of February, 1927, as he failed to show that his means had in any way decreased.


He is maintained on a farm of 39 acres (Poor Law Valuation, £12 10s.) which he assigned to his son on the [1870] 19th of February, 1924, on the occasion of the latter's marriage.




Dáil Éireann - Volume 11 - 29 April, 1925



Mr. BAXTER: I move:-

That the Dáil is of opinion that immediate action should be taken by the Government, either by the granting of loans or otherwise, to enable farmers to restock their lands, in cases where the owners have lost their stock through disease.


In moving this motion I want to make it perfectly clear that I am not [505] accustomed to try to make things worse than they are. I think I have been twitted more than once with pretending that all is lovely in the garden, and I move this motion conscious of the fact that the matter contained therein is a thing of supreme urgency and a thing that will not brook delay, that it is a problem that confronts the country very seriously, a problem that demands the immediate attention of the Government, and one that ought to be tackled by them at once. It is conceded on all sides that the foundation of this State is agriculture. It will be conceded by every man who understands anything about the industry, and particularly by every farmer, that the cattle trade is the biggest and most important branch of our agricultural industry. The foundations of that trade, as we might say, are very largely, almost entirely, perhaps, built on the cattle and cows of the small farmers. If you go through the poorer counties of Ireland to-day everywhere you are confronted with this state of things. The small farmers of Ireland have never passed through a more trying period since 1847 than they have passed through this last twelve months, and particularly these last three or four months. The loss in cattle is so great that I do not think any statistics could be compiled that would show anything like a correct return of what that loss means to the State. If you ask these people what their losses are they will say, and I have met them myself, and heard them say it: "I would not like to tell."


I concede that it is not right that anyone should try to magnify a problem like this, a problem that is so really serious. But I have myself very good reason to know what it means in my own constituency. I am raising this question because it has been forced on me, that the problem can only be dealt with by the Government, by their tackling it thoroughly and understanding the seriousness of it. That knowledge was the cause of my putting down this motion. In my county we have something like 19,000 holdings, and 13,000 of these are of a valuation of £10 and under. I am sure I would [506] be correct in saying that half of the agricultural holders in my county have lost a couple of cows. In some cases the number is small; in other cases it is very great. One-third of these, at least, have lost practically all their cattle. The unfortunate circumstances are, so far as my inquiries go, that it is the farmer with the three cows who has lost two. The Minister may question the figures I give, but I have gone to the trouble of making inquiries from other Deputies, and I think that the figures from other constituencies will be found more surprising than mine. I agree that in the drier counties, where the land is better, the farmers are more fortunate. They are very lucky. They have not the experience that the farmers in my county have. Let us consider what this must mean in the counties where the farmers have suffered. To-day we have thousands of farmers in the poorer counties who have had three cows, and who now have two, and some of them none at all. Some have lost all their young stock as well. When we consider that, we must ask what is to be the future of these farmers? In the first place, how are these farmers to live? This season, so far, the prospect for the smaller farmer is certainly not very promising. He was depending in practically every case for a living on his milk supply during the summer months until the harvest can be reaped. In most cases, in my experience, his milk is sold to the creamery. With the loss of his cows, that prospect is now taken from him. That is exactly his position. What can be done for him, or who can do it? If something is not done how can that farmer be expected to meet the demands that the State will make upon him? A farmer without his stock is like a workman without his tools, or the means that are necessary to enable him to work.


That is the position that many of our small farmers find themselves in now. They are hardly able to carry on until the harvest comes. If they are blessed with a good harvest they may manage to live. But by what means are they to replace the stock which have been lost? The farmer looks to his neighbour. Someone may suggest: [507] "Let him try to borrow money in the bank." That might be a way out, if the number of these cases were very few. But we know it would take half the countryside going into a bank to-day to give a guarantee that would be sufficient to enable these men to get a sufficient loan to enable them to replace their stock. We must then look to some other means of relieving them. The farmer cannot get the money in the bank, because most of his neighbours are practically in the same position as he is in. The neighbour that has to borrow himself will not be much of a guarantee in the bank for a man who also wants to borrow money. There is, therefore, no remedy to be found in that direction. If the State does not come to his aid, if the State does not realise the difficulties that these people are placed in, and does not volunteer to do something to help them out it will, I am afraid, be a very serious matter for the State itself, from more than one point of view.

As I say, the State is depending on our agricultural exports to maintain its credit. I fear that our exports at the end of this year may be seriously down, and that if some remedy is not forthcoming they will be down in the years to come. Someone may ask me why. If we lose thousands and thousands of the best milking cows we have, all over the country, I would like to ask the Minister for Agriculture how will the Dairy Produce Act get us more this year than the four million cows that supplied us with milk and butter last year? If we sell perhaps one-third less butter than we sold last year, how will it affect us? When we consider the thousands of people and the thousands of families who are depending on the produce of the sale of milk for their living all through the summer months, and that that is removed, the difficulties of these people are very great, so great that only the State can help them. They cannot help themselves. We must agree that something must be done for them.


There is the other side. Our exports in cattle, I think, are by far the biggest item of our exports. These exports [508] depend on the quality and numbers of the cattle we breed and raise. That depends, in turn, on the numbers of our cows. The exports of our cattle this year are determined largely by the number of cows we kept last year and the year before. The number of cattle that we are exporting this year may not be altogether determined by the number of cows we have this year, but, unquestionably the number and the value of our exports next year, and, perhaps, the year after, will be determined by the number of cows we have this year. If the number of cows we have now are down by thousands, undoubtedly the number of cattle, suitable and available, for export next year and the year after, must be, and will be, I fear, down by thousands-perhaps by a hundred thousand-if steps are not taken to replace the cattle that we have lost. Undoubtedly, from the economic point of view this is a very serious problem for the State. I say that, apart altogether from what it means to the individual, and what it means as a livelihood for thousands and thousands of people. As far as I can see the State, and no other, can give this help. I say that these people have every claim on assistance from the State in the difficulties with which they are confronted. Men have said to me:-

"We think the Government should come to our aid. We think the Government ought to help. We are not asking anything from the Government. We are not asking something for nothing. We are asking nothing but what, please God, we will pay back; we think the Government have a duty to do what they can for us."


If I could see that it was possible by other means than by appealing to the Government to intervene, I would not ask that any action should be taken by the Government. I would much prefer that individuals, when confronted with difficulties, would have the energy and the imagination to help themselves to find a way out. I would prefer that these people should find a way out of their own difficulties themselves by cooperating with one another, with a view to finding a solution for this problem. But I fear, in the present depressed conditions of agriculture, that [509] it is not possible to find a remedy by such means.


If the Government do not consider that it is their obligation and their responsibility, then the plight of these people for several years to come is going to be very bad. Many of them will be faced with the sale and transfer of their land. That would not be a satisfactory solution. The Government can help, and since they are encouraging-and rightly encouraging-increased productivity, they should not neglect the agricultural industry. They themselves recognise its value to the State. It is their duty to stimulate increased productivity in that industry. They know the depression under which it is labouring to-day. These unfortunate conditions make the present position much worse and much more difficult than it would otherwise be and I grant that it is not going to be a simple matter for the Government to deal with this problem. It cannot be solved by a wave of the hand, nor can it be solved by the passing or acceptance of a resolution in this House. But with courage and energy, the Government can do a great deal to alleviate the distress which exists at present and which will exist if the causes are not removed. It should be possible for the credit of the State to be pledged to some extent, so that agriculture-and particularly the branch of it that is in a very serious plight-would get a stimulus that is much needed. It would be but right that the Government should pledge the credit of the State, if necessary, in order to help these people out. I am not going to say that the Government are not conscious of the duty that they owe to agriculture. But it is not enough to say that they know the farmers have suffered loss, that their difficulties are very great, that something should be done to help them, but that there are many things they could do for themselves which they are not doing. That will not solve the problem. While it is not for me nor Deputies on these benches to suggest what the Government ought to do, it is our duty and, I think, a duty other Deputies will feel called upon to discharge, to press upon the Government the seriousness of the situation that exists. It is [510] their duty and their responsibility to do what they can for an industry which is so important to the State. The failure of the Government to rise to the occasion will not alone have serious effects presently but it will, as I have tried to point out, affect our productivity, our trade balance and the credit of the State perhaps two or three years hence. I am urging that the Government ought to take immediate action in this matter, and I feel confident that we will have the support of many Deputies in this House in our request. Further, it is practically the unanimous demand of the country that Government action should be taken.


Mr. J. CROWLEY: I support Deputy Baxter's motion, and I would press upon the Executive the great necessity for immediate relief to farmers who have lost stock through disease. I am in a position to know as much as, or more than, any person, perhaps, in this Assembly, about mortality amongst cattle in Kerry, West Limerick and parts of Cork, but particularly in North Kerry, because I happen to be a veterinary surgeon and an inspector of dairies and cowsheds. Our firm are probably the largest buyers of hides and skins in County Kerry. I have been twenty years veterinary surgeon and about thirty years at the other business, and I can say confidently that during the time I remember-for the last thirty or thirty-five years-I have not seen as great a mortality amongst cattle as for the last three or four months. Thousands of yearlings have died and hundreds of milch cows are dying now. Many small uneconomic holders who were depending on the little money that a few yearlings-two, three or five-may bring at this time of the year, to pay rates and annuities, now cannot pay. Unless the State aids them, I can foresee an extremely busy time for the sub-sheriffs of County Kerry and other counties. In many cases, I believe, they will return: "Nothing to seize." I believe that is the return just now in many cases in Kerry, because many of the small farmers have absolutely no stock left.


I can quote from statistics as to the execution of court judgments. During [511] the quarter ended March, 1925, in County Kerry there were, according to the return, 374 judgments executed. That fact speaks for itself. I know, in some cases in North Kerry, where the sub-sheriff seized the last cow belonging to a poor man. I saw him take from a small farmer in Listowel six cows out of ten for rates. I had myself to come to the rescue of some small uneconomic holders down there. I will quote the names and addresses of persons who have sustained losses in my district. These are cases that I can prove:-

Daniel Foran, Coolard, Listowel, lost 11 cows out of 14; lost all calves.

Patrick Kennelly, Dromin, Listowel, lost 8 cows out of 14; lost 8 young cattle out of 8.

John Lyons, Knockburrane, Lixnaw, lost 9 cows out of 24; lost 26 young cattle out of 26.

Michael Purtill, Kilcolgan, Ballylongford, lost 6 cows out of 12; lost 6 heifers out of 6; lost 4 calves out of 4.

Mrs. Bridget Kennelly, Moybella, Liselton, lost 4 cows out of 10; lost 12 young cattle out of 12.

Maurice Carmody, Skehenerin, Listowel, lost 7 cows out of 7.

T. O'Connor, Derry, Listowel, lost 23 cows out of 35.

P. Lynch, Bunagare, Listowel, lost 4 cows out of 4.

T. O'Connor, Kilmorna, lost 22 yearlings, 6 two-year-olds, 2 cows.

P. O'Connor, Kealid, Newtownsandes, lost 11 cows, 10 yearlings and 6 two-year-olds.

These are only a few of the many cases that I can prove.


MINISTER for LANDS and AGRICULTURE (Mr. Hogan): Does the Deputy know what they died of?


Mr. CROWLEY: Generally fluke.


Mr. HOGAN: Generally?



Mr. CROWLEY: Yes. All the yearlings and young animals died of fluke, except the calves. I can prove to the Minister that in the Rural District of Listowel approximately 4,000 or 5,000 yearlings died. You can estimate the loss if you take an average value of £8 per head. I was in our own firm's [512] premises a fortnight ago and in half-an-hour I saw fifteen cow-hides coming in, some farmers having two. These cows died generally at calving or before calving. Many cows have "missed" and there are many cases of contagious abortion. The Department's inspectors and the agricultural instructor in North Kerry would be able to assure the Minister of the accuracy of these facts.

I say again that the Executive or the Government should take serious notice of this matter and try and help some of these farmers. If they do not, they cannot go on, and the Land Commission will not get their annuities next year. How can they hope to get them? There is nothing there. The sub-sheriff, even at present, cannot get anything to seize.



Mr. GOREY: This is a question that cannot be very well overstated. Although Deputies Baxter and Crowley have dealt with the matter, they have only dealt with, approximately, half of it. The losses in cattle are not the only ones. The losses to sheep farmers are equal to, if not worse than, the cattle losses. The south-western counties, Kerry, and perhaps portion of Cork, Clare, and Limerick, have been remarkable for the losses in cattle. Go to the north-west, to the counties of Galway, Roscommon, and Mayo, and go to Westmeath, Wexford, and Cavan, and you will find that those counties have suffered equally heavy losses in sheep. In some of those counties there is loss in cattle also. This question is very serious from more points of view than one. It is very serious from the individual point of view and from the farmers' point of view. The farmer is bankrupt; he has lost his stock, and he has nothing to put on his land. These things also affect national output, the national balance-sheet, and the national credit, and I think the matter cannot be overstated. I know the Minister appreciates the position. This matter cannot be handled by an ill-conceived measure. To be effective it can only be handled by a well-thought-out measure. Not alone is the position bad for those who have lost, but it is bad for those who have not lost even in those areas. Cattle-dealers will not [513] operate in those areas, and I ask any Deputy to correct me if I am wrong. Cattle-dealers will not go in to buy stock.


MINISTER for LANDS and AGRICULTURE (Mr. Hogan): Will they not go into Galway?


Mr. GOREY: I do not know. I know that in the case of cattle-dealers. The same thing applies to sheep-dealers. Cattle-dealers have no confidence going into a fair where they can buy stock which they can pass on to their customers. The result is that people if they can sell cattle can only sell them at a small price in the counties of Kerry and Clare. Then we have the problem of what is to be done with this year's grass and hay. What is to be done with this year's grass crop? There are no cattle there to eat the grass, and there will be no cattle to eat the hay when it is saved. It is a more complex situation than the actual cattle loss. I see nothing for it except a loan to enable those people to restock, not perhaps in a hurry but when the weather has got warmer and the land dry, and when this epidemic has passed. I suppose the Minister will say that he will find great difficulty in stocking those wet and mountainy districts with cattle suitable to them. I know it is useless to send down highly-bred cattle to those wet districts, but I know there is more responsible for the death of cattle in these districts than the actual fluke plague.





Mr. GOREY: Anyone going into those winter and spring fairs will be struck by the quality of the young cattle and their condition when they come into the market. Hand feeding seems to be conspicuous by its absence. Cattle are not treated on up-to-date methods. We may as well face the truth. This is going to be an excellent opportunity to bring home to the breeders of stock that they must change their methods. Proper food must be got for cattle, and it is a paying proposition to do it. That does not get us away from the position. Actual loss of cattle is there. Anyone can give the [514] numbers, and the approximate cost can be easily ascertained. The question is, what is the best thing to be done. It is only by considerable thinking out that a proper scheme can be devised as to what is the best thing to be done. Something must be done, not alone from the point of view of the individual but from the point of view of the nation. It will not be to the good of this nation to have output reduced or to have national credit impaired, and this is going to do it. People cannot meet their liabilities and cannot pay taxes. Something must be done quickly. I do not advocate rushing. I want a well-thought-out measure, and only want cattle to be replaced in these districts when it is proper to do it. It is no argument to say that these people do not take precautions. It is a fault, of course, that they did not administer male fern in time. That is a fault, but it does not meet the situation to say, "Why did they not do it?" It might not have been got in time or might not have been availed of. That is not the position we are up against. We are up against a position that the best thing must be done. It is a duty of the Dáil and the Government to do it, and I am sure the Minister will have as much sympathy with this question as we have. I want to say that, that the fault has not been altogether the fault of the season. I said before that it has been the fault of the people's neglect in not being alive to the necessity of keeping their cattle in good health and condition, and in giving them the best turnips. A good deal of this is the fault of the people themselves, and I hope this is a lesson that the people of this country are not likely to forget. I hope they will have their cattle properly fed for the future and kept in proper health and condition. If they do that, not alone will the evil of fluke be met, but the evil of bad handling will also be met.



Mr. JOHNSON: I rose after Deputy Crowley sat down for the purpose of complimenting him on the most eloquent speech that he could have made. It was perhaps one of the most convincing that he could have made, inasmuch as he gave us a statement of fact in respect to a restricted area. To me [515] it was most appalling. I think the only comparison one can really make is the comparison of an earthquake, and then to ask oneself what we would do if an earthquake affected a certain portion of the country and destroyed the industrial works in that area upon which the country relied for its subsistence. If the sample that Deputy Crowley gave us of the country is in any way at all typical of any considerable area of the country, then we are in a very serious situation. Of course it is not only the grown cattle, the cows, which are the basis of the future progeny. The young cattle, apparently, have died in very much greater numbers than the aged cattle. I am sure the Minister has full particulars, and will be able to give us some information as to how this visitation has affected the remaining areas of the country, whether in cattle or sheep. I am sure that he has considered the needs of the situation as it affects the country's prosperity in future years. It seems to me that if loans are the best way of meeting the situation with respect to the individual, the House will be glad to support any proposition of that kind. It occurs to me that, looking at the problem from the national side, it would require some kind of regulation with respect to the export of milch cows. If the supplies are to be maintained, if those who have lost their cattle are to be supplied and their stocks replenished, there will have to be some regulation, perhaps, of the market for export. I think that Deputy Baxter and the Deputies who have supported him are justified in asking for the fullest possible information from the Ministry, both as to the reports from the country as a whole, in respect of this disease and of the destruction caused by it, and in respect of the measures which it is proposed to take to meet these evils. I can assure the Minister that so far as we are concerned we will give full support to any well-considered proposition for loans or other means to meet the needs of the case that he propounds.



Mr. McKENNA: I rise to support the motion moved by Deputy Baxter. I am sure that Deputies who have heard [516] his statement, and also the statement made by Deputy Crowley, will agree that these statements are in no way exaggerated, but are a true presentation of facts as they exist in most counties of the Saorstát at the present time. These Deputies have performed a great public service in calling the attention of the House to the position at the present moment. Most diseases are preventative, and this is a disease in my opinion which cannot be eradicated without Government aid. I have had a good deal of experience of the work of the veterinary branch of the Department of Agriculture and Tech nical Instruction for Ireland, and during the 1912 outbreak of foot and mouth disease, and other outbreaks scheduled under the Diseases of Animals Act, I had often times to spend many days visiting these Departments. I must say, from my experience of the work of the veterinary branch of the Department of Agriculture, that it gave us as good and clean bill of health, so far as our live stock were concerned, as any other nation possessed. But, while I do not unduly wish to criticise the veterinary branch over this epidemic, I believe, from what I have seen, that a great amount of the loss sustained by owners is due to lack of educational propaganda on the part of the Department.


The difficulty is that this disease, known as fluke, is not a scheduled disease under the Diseases of Animals Act. As a disease which has caused such widespread havoc among our live stock population, it should be scheduled under the Diseases of Animals Act as notifiable. Unless you do that, what is the use asking the State to come to the aid of people if there is a repetition of the disease next year? Something, of course, must be done now, but we must also take precautions that this disease must be stamped out. Due to the blessing of Divine Providence, we were not visited with foot and mouth disease when it broke out in England. Had we been unfortunate enough to get it here, it would have perhaps cost us millions of money, as it did in England. I have the figures which the British paid in compensation, and I think they will astound the House. They show [517] what England did for the agricultural population when visited with such an infectious disease as foot and mouth disease.

In 1921 there were 44 outbreaks in England, and these cost £48,745; in 1922 there were 1,140 outbreaks, which cost £803,529; in 1923 there were 1,029 outbreaks, which cost £2,209,812; in 1924 there were 1,440 outbreaks, which cost £1,289,696. These amounts total a sum of between four and five millions. When the disease broke out in England all the money earmarked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer under the Diseases of Animals Act, to cope with that disease was £140,000, and out of that sum £100,000 was earmarked for diseases amongst cattle and anthrax and other diseases amongst horses, and £40,000 for swine fever. They passed legislation, and most of the money voted by the House of Commons to compensate owners for the slaughter of their cattle was taken from the Imperial Exchequer, and very little fell upon the local rates.

Now, the difficulty of this problem is the great hold the disease has got of the entire cattle and sheep population of the country. Of course it is impossible, without a census, to know the numbers of live-stock lost, but, glancing at the returns of the Free State of the number of animals exported for three months-I take the three months commencing January to 28th March this year-show, we are not increasing our export. Our cattle export only totalled 61,128, as against 102,043 for the corresponding period of 1924. Sheep were less this year than last year by 21,000 head. The total is 46,446, as against 67,143. In my opinion the hope for the future lies in the methods of disseminating amongst owners information regarding the means by which they might gradually reduce the incidence of the disease in their own flocks. I do not mean to say that the Department did nothing. They did a lot. They published leaflets, they published Press notices, but did they do what most countries do when disease such as this breaks out? Did they set up an experimental station for the purpose of testing the remedy mentioned, or can they state is it a cure as well as a remedy?



[518] MINISTER for LANDS and AGRICULTURE (Mr. Hogan): Every consignment that went out was tested.


AN CEANN COMHAIRLE resumed the Chair.


Mr. McKENNA: If it is a cure steps should be taken to see that supplies of the remedy should be placed in the hands of every veterinary surgeon throughout the country. I am aware of cases, and I was speaking to several veterinary surgeons dealing with cases, where they had to wait for days before they could get a supply of the remedy.

There is another aspect of this case that Deputies who spoke did not touch at all, and I call the attention of the House, and also the attention of the Minister for Public Health, to it. It is that hundreds of those fluky sheep were sold by their owners at any price that they could get for them to butchers, and they were sold for human consumption. I am not a doctor and consequently I cannot offer an opinion as to whether or not such meat was fit or wholesome for human food. But I believe if some of the Deputies in this House saw one of those sheep opened and the parasites alive and kicking in the carcase they would not relish a mixed grill with portion of the liver through it, or a mutton cutlet from off the carcase. Now, we are passing a lot of legislation, and in my opinion there is no Bill so urgently needed as the Meat Inspection Bill. There are hundreds of those kinds of carcases being pawned off on people of what is known as "God's own killing." These must have a most injurious effect upon the health of the public. What is a man to do with, say, 20 or 30 sheep afflicted with this disease? He goes to the knacker; he says, "I will try and get something for them," and he sells them at 15/-, 20/-, or 25/-, anything he can get. Where do they go? The buyer does not invest in this kind of thing unless he gets some return.


Sheep farming at the present time is the one bright spot in agriculture, but our farmers in this country cannot be expected to gamble in sheep farming unless the State comes to the rescue and [519] helps them to eradicate this disease and gives them some help to restock their lands. I saw a census the other day with reference to the world's supply of live stock, which stated that there are ten millions increase in cattle from the pre-war census. Pigs decreased thirty millions; sheep decreased eighty-eight millions. Now, I think the Department of Agriculture should publish these facts, and I would like to see the Statistics Branch educate the farmers upon matters like that, and I hope that the State will accede to our wishes. I am sure it is the general opinion of the whole House, and the country, that something should be done to help the people who have been afflicted by this scourge. The British Government gave last year a grant of £10,000 towards research work to try and cope with foot and mouth disease, and £15,000 this year. I do not know what research work is going on here. I am sure there is some, but I do not know what amount of money has been earmarked by the Minister for Finance for research work under the Diseases of Animals Act. I remember the late Sir Thos. Russell got £14,000 from the British Government for research work to cope with swine fever. It was insufficient and nothing was done since. Of course the rural districts are practically immune from it. I will not delay the House further than to hope that the reply of the Minister will be favourable, and that when he approaches the Executive Council he will not be told, in the words of the holy man in the Bible, "the Lord gave them and the Lord took them away; blessed be the name of the Lord."



Mr. JAMES COSGRAVE: I regret exceedingly that it is my painful duty to inform Deputies of this House, and the public generally, of the misfortune, or scourge, if you like, that has fallen on the poor farmers of the County Galway. The total number of sheep in Galway last October was in or about 500,000. I am confident, from information I have received from my constituents, that at least one-fifth of them have been lost by fluke since November last. There are small farmers in my immediate district who [520] have lost from 10 to 100 sheep each through this dreadful disease. The loss of, say, 10 or 20 sheep and four or five calves to a poor man means bankruptcy to him except the Government comes to his assistance. The Galway County Committee of Agriculture, at their monthly meeting on Wednesday last, decided to call on the Government to formulate a scheme for the issue of low rate loans to relieve farmers who have suffered as a result of the ravages of fluke in sheep in that county. Several members of that important Committee spoke very strongly on this matter, and I hope the Minister for Lands and Agriculture will carefully consider their recommendations and formulate the scheme suggested by them.


Mr. CONNOR HOGAN: As the seconder of Deputy Baxter's motion, I desire to say that in the five minutes which remain of the time allotted to this debate, I cannot finish this afternoon. I presume the debate will be resumed on Friday.


Mr. JOHNSON: We must have the Minister's reply this evening.


Mr. CONNOR HOGAN: It is not conceivable that we could deal with such a stupendous question, which must be examined as to cause and effect in all its aspects: economical, social and political, in the short compass of an hour. The thing is impossible. This question primarily affects the tiller of the soil-the poor peasant-and raises issues of such gravity that it could not be debated in an hour. We are dealing with a very dreadful crisis in agricultural affairs in certain counties in the west. There, at least, the hardship is greatest. I am not saying that live stock losses are not frequent in other parts of the country. I have no doubt of it. But the fact is that along the Atlantic belt from West Cork to Donegal you have in certain large areas a most serious mortality amongst cattle and sheep.


I have got some figures here for certain districts-not necessarily complete figures. What I have got are certainly reliable as far as the areas go, but I do not say that the return is absolutely full. Taking them at random, I find [521] that in a certain area in West Clare, called the Peninsula-that is the district west of a line between Kilkee and Kilrush-in the townland of Belaha, there are just six calves left out of a total of forty. In the townland of Baltard 30 per cent. of the calves and some of the elder cattle died. At a place called Newton, in the same district, there are three yearlings left out of fifty. Turning to other areas, there were losses amongst yearlings and two-year-old cows. The mortality amongst sheep was small, because very few sheep are kept there. I understand, however, that only an odd sheep survives.


This question must be debated in the light of its economic reaction. What will the position of these people be this year-or in some subsequent year? What is the position at the moment? I am sorry to say that while the mortality has been to a large extent confined to yearlings, the elder cattle have not escaped. A large number of cows have died, and these which remain are not producing milk. Possibly this is due to the fact that last year's harvest was a failure, the hay saved was inferior, and the people in many cases were too poor to buy concentrated foods to give added sustenance to their cattle. The fact remains that at present, in many places, the cows are unproductive, and in several of these areas the children of many a poor peasant are crying out for milk. That may appear to be an exaggerated statement, but I am prepared to assert that it is essentially true. In any case, it may be taken that the cows will not produce much milk this year-where the owners have been lucky enough to have any cows left. These cows will not produce much milk or butter, and in the west butter-making is more or less the staple industry. The sale of the butter keeps the family, while the yearlings are sold to meet certain charges, such as land purchase annuities, rates, and other demands. The money realised from the sale of butter really goes to keep the home from week to week. You have, then, this position: that, with a lot of the young cattle gone, the week-to-week earning power of the family has sensibly diminished. That is a very [522] serious position. In addition, you have to remember that charges are pressing on these small farmers, and as a rule the farms are exceedingly small, three, five, or seven cows only being kept. A man with twelve or fifteen cows is considered a very large farmer in the districts I am speaking of, and is recognised as an opulent and well-to-do man. It has been amongst the poorest class that the mortality has been highest. I would not lay that down as a general principle, as it would be scarcely fair to do so, but when the question is examined it will be found that the small peasant has been the most unfortunate in losing most of his stock. I beg to move the adjournment of the debate until Friday.

Debate adjourned until Friday.

Sitting suspended at 6.30 and resumed at 7 p.m.,







Dáil Éireann - Volume 113 - 17 November, 1948

Written Answers to Questions. - Condition of North Kerry Roads.

Éamon Ó Ciosáin Éamon Ó Ciosáin

Éamon Ó Ciosáin asked the Minister for Local Government if he is aware that although the steam-rolling of the 1¾ miles of road from Murhur Cross to the village of Moyvane in North Kerry has been listed for attention for some time, the work has not yet been commenced; and if he will indicate the approximate date on which the work will start and the estimated cost thereof.

Éamon Ó Ciosáin Éamon Ó Ciosáin

Éamon Ó Ciosáin asked the Minister for Local Government if he is aware that the 1½ miles of road from the village of Moyvane in North Kerry to the Ballylongford Cross, which is part of the Tarbert-Listowel bus route, is in a bad state of repair at present; and if he will say whether it is the intention to have it steam-rolled in the near future.

Mr. Murphy Mr. Murphy

Mr. Murphy: With the Ceann Comhairle's permission I propose to take Questions 96 and 97 together.

The matters raised by the Deputy are for the county council. I understand that work on the rolling of a section of the Murhur Cross-Moyvane road started recently and that the inclusion of the Moyvane-Ballylongford Cross road in the Estimates for next Financial Year may come up for consideration by the county council in December or January next.

The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 18th November, 1948.




Dáil Éireann - Volume 21 - 02 November, 1927



SEAMUS O CRUADHLAOICH asked the Minister for Fisheries if he will expedite the purchase and division of the estates of Madame de Janasz, Kilmorna; Dr. Davidage, Tanavilla; and Mr. Eyre Stack, Ballyconrey, all in North Kerry, and if the purchase and division of those estates will be accomplished before the spring of 1928.



Mr. RODDY: Proceedings are pending for the acquisition of the lands of Kilmeany and Trien on the estate of Madame de Janasz; the lands of Island-ganniv South, Kilcreen and Garryantavally, on Surgeon Commander Davidage's estate, and for the lands of Ballyconrey, Mweevoo and Trohana, on [607] the estate of Eyre Massy Stack, all in County Kerry, but the Land Commission are not at present in a position to say when the lands will be divided.


Mr. CROWLEY: Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that the lands of Mr. Stack are in the hands of the Land Commission for the last ten years for the purpose of purchase and distribution amongst congests? Is he aware also that the lands of Madame de Janasz and Dr. Davidage are in the hands of the Land Commission for the past six years for purchase and distribution amongst the congests in the district, and will he take any action in the matter?


Mr. RODDY: The Land Commission is not responsible for the delay in connection with the acquisition of these lands. The agents acting on behalf of these people are primarily responsible for the delay.



Dáil Éireann - Volume 21 - 10 November, 1927



Mr. O'LEARY asked the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs if he will consider the question of the reinstatement of John Reidy, Lixnaw, and Timothy Cronin, Knockanure, County Kerry, postmen, who were imprisoned in 1922 and not re-employed when released.

PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTER for POSTS and TELEGRAPHS (Mr. Heffernan) Michael Richard Heffernan

PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTER for POSTS and TELEGRAPHS (Mr. Heffernan): Any applications for re-employment in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs which are submitted by the persons mentioned in the Deputy's question will receive consideration.



Mr. O'LEARY: Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that vacancies exist in [1175] these two districts at present, and could he see his way to employ these men to fill these vacancies?


Mr. HEFFERNAN: I have nothing to add to my answer, that any applications which are received from these men, or from other men in the district, will receive consideration, and that all the circumstances will be taken into account when the appointments are being made.


Mr. CORRY: Will these men get a preference, or is a preference going to be given to ex-service men of the National Army?


Mr. HEFFERNAN: The appointments will be made, taking all the circumstances into account and the qualifications of the applicants.


EARY: Will the past service of these men be taken into account?. HEFFERNAN Mr. HEFFERNAN

Mr. HEFFERNAN: I presume that every circumstance connected with the men's qualifications will be taken into account.



Dáil Éireann - Volume 609 - 08 November, 2005

Written Answers. - Special Educational Needs.

Mr. Ferris Mr. Ferris

617. Mr. Ferris asked the Minister for Education and Science the number of special needs assistants attached to each school in County Kerry; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [32808/05]

Ms Hanafin Ms Hanafin

Ms Hanafin: The total number of special needs assistants employed to meet the needs of specified children in primary, voluntary, secondary and community and comprehensive schools in County Kerry is 209. Following is a breakdown of the number in each school for the Deputy's information.

Primary SNA's in Co. Kerry as at 4/11/05





Bk D pp 547 to 549 Dated 28 Aug 1894 Rec 15 Sep 1894


Wife: Mary Children: Cornelius Connell, Mary Connell, Katie Coss, Annie Connell, William Connell, Lizzie Connell, Nellie Connell, Maggie Connell, Alice Connell, Martin Connell


Exec: Michael C. Buckley Witness: George C Flores and John G Smalley


Note: See pp 554-555 of Bk D: Mary Connell, widow of Maurice Connell, refuses to accept her share of his estate as per will and will let the matter be settled legally 8 Oct 1894.


Connel came from Ballymacjordan Duagh, Co Kerry.




Log house originally built by Maurice O'Connell who had come to the United States in 1851 and who married Elisabeth Shea. Pictured in front of the house are Mary Miller O'Connell, Morris O'Connell, Marian, baby Isabel, Olive and Elisabeth Shea O'Connell, seated. The house was located in Pierce County on the 80 acres which Maurice had bought. After Maurice died, his son, Morris, took over the farm and Elizabeth Shea O'Connell continued to live with him and his wife, Mary Miller O'Connell.



The bloody history of the Catholic uprising of 1641 has been brought back to life on the internet. Testimonies from thousands of eye-witnesses to one of the most significant events in Irish history have been transcribed and made available for free online.


The three-year project, led by researchers at the Universities of University of Cambridge and The University of Aberdeen and Trinity College Dublin, involved transcribing all 19,000 pages of the original depositions, many of which are almost illegible.






TheDeposition of Pierce Lacy




Reference: MS 829, fols 170r-171v

County: Limerick

Date: 18/3/1643

Type: Bisse

Nature of Deposition: Military Action, Robbery, Words




Pierce Lacy late of the Cittie of lymerick and within the County of the said Cittie gentleman an Irish protestant and nowe lieutenant in his Maiesties army duely sworne and examined before vs by vertue of his Maiesties Comission to vs and others directed (beareing date &c) concerneing the losses robberies and spoiles since this rebellion comitted vpon the brittish and protestants within the Province &c deposeth and saith That since the 22th day of October 1641 at diuers time he lost was robbed and forceably dispoiled of his goods and Chattles to the seuerall values following vzt worth 2620 li. & of other meanes worth 490 li. per annum

Of cowes heiffers steeres mares horses and sheepe to the value of foure hundred and ten pounds The deponent further saith that by meanes of this presente rebellion in Ireland he was dispossessed of seuerall farmes in the County of lymerick namely Of Ballyfrankin in the said County wherin he hath a lease of Two liues yeet vnexpired woorth Coibus annis before the begining of this rebellion one hundred and fiftie pounds per annum in this lease the deponent beleeues himself damnified six hundred pounds considering the greate chardges disbursed vpon the sume in buylding and other Improuements Of the lands of Ballymacky in the said County for eight yeeres to come woorth de clar o at least twenty pounds per annum wherin he is damnified by looseing the benefitt of the same the sume of foure score pounds He is likewise dispossessed of the lands of Knight streete in the said County woorth yeerly to this deponent thirty pounds per annum aboue the lands lords rent wherin he hath a lease of Twelue yeeres to come his enterest in the same before this rebellion was woorth to be bought and sould one hundred and Twenty pounds Alsoe of the Parsonadge of Ballingary in the said County for twelue yeeres yeett to come woorth aboue the landlords rent




fol. 170v




forty pounds per annum in yeerly profitt wherin he is damnified one hundred and three score pounds lastly part of the lands of Glanoragha in the said County woorth before this rebellion thirteene pounds per annum he saith that by looseing the benefitt of the same he is damnified foure score pounds The deponent further saith that aboute the third of October 1641 this deponent carried <B> one thousand one hundred pounds to the Cittie of lymerick in trust to be kepte by Patricke Casy of the Reylane in the said County cittie burgesse two hundred & sixtie pounds wherof he then & there deliuered to the said Patrick e himself Two hundred and sixtie eighty pounds likewise deliuered then to Walter Arthure of the same Burgesse to James Bourke of the same Alderman (in the presence of James White of the same Alderman the remainder of the said mony; All which monyes was (as this deponent is credibly informed) disposed of of towards the maintenance of the Irish army The totall of his losses amounts to Two thousand six hundred and Twenty pounds besides the losse of the benefitt of one hundred and fiftie pounds per annum pounds ionter due to his this deponents wife out of the lands of Dromolin in the said County of Clare as alsoe of the mortgadge of three foure hundred pounds or therabouts vpon the lands of Bally [ ] frankin in the said County & vpon the said lands of Ballymony frankin in he said County which mortgadge is become desperat in regards t he deponents deede of mortgadge is now in the hands of the rebells & Imbezilled as this deponent beleeueth & likewise of his free hould estate of the halfe plowe land of Downe neere Ballingary in the said County woorth forty pounds per annum all which he leaues to future consideration The deponent




fol. 171r





Hee further deposeth [that] That aboute the first of december 1641 This deponent marchinge with his company to Corke & comeing through Kilwoorth <C> in the said County (haueing a portent from the late lord President to march thither) he then & there mett the lord Roch accompanyed with eighteene horse whoe calleing to this deponent tould him Pierce (quoth he) I pray god yow doe not take a wrong course in hand or woords to that efecte to whom this deponent answered I pray god your lordshipp take not a worse meaneing thereby as this deponent conceaueth to discouradge him in the seruice wherin he nowe & then was Imployed & the rather because his lordshipp then appeared to this deponent as though he were discontented with this deponent for his said seruice

Pierce Lacy

Jurat coram nobis

18o Marty 1642

Phil: Bisse

Ric: Williamson


[Copy at fols 181r-v]fol. 171v" pagenum="272



Lieutenant Pierce

Lacyes examination









Philip Bisse

Richard Williamson




Reference: MS 829, fols 209r-210v

County: Limerick

Date: 2/2/1643

Type: Bisse

ol. 209r



<symbol> ffaieth Stand i sh alias Grady the wife to Derby Gradye late of Ballinscully in the parish of Ballymonymore Barony of the Smale Countie of in the County of Limericke (nowe Ensigne in his Maiesties Army) being duely sworne & examined before vs by vertue of a Comission beareing e date att Dublin the fifth day of March 1641 concerneing the Robberies and spoiles since this Re bbellion comitted vppon the Eng lish and protestants within the province of Munster & as also e diuers other particulers to be enquired after touchinge the discouery of this present Reb b ellion in Ireland shee deposeth and saieth Deposeth

<That> Aboute the first of ffebruary 1641 Maurice Baggott of Baggottstowne in the saide Countie gentleman in the absence of this deponents said husband sent sixteene armed men of his followers and servants aboute elleuen of the clocke att night to the Castle of Cnockmoinly (where this deponent then liued) And one of this deponents seruants Edmond ô Kelly beinge their guide and Conductor entred this deponent saide Castle and then & there with force & armes did dispossesse & putt this deponent out of the said Castle and likewise possessed themselues of this deponents goods to the value of one hundred pounds or thereabouts The deponent further saieth that shee then obserued the vndernamed persons to bee then and there in company with them vizt Pierce Lacy of Baggottstowne aforesaid gentleman Edmond ô Many of the same gent yeoman John Lacy of the same gentleman Garrott Baggott of Ballynamonymore in the said County gent Teige ô Cahill of the same yeoman Donnogh Bane yeoman of Baggottstowne aforesaid yeoman Donnogh mc Mahowey yeo of the same yeoman James Newgent of Ballynemonybegg in the said County yeoman Thomas Newgent of the same yeoman John Newgent of the same yeoman with seuerall others whose names this deponent knoweth nott, shee likewise saieth that Teige o Grady of Kikoallane in the aforesaide Countie Chancellor of Emly and Justice of Peace and [ ] quorum turned papist since the begininge of this Rebbellion; the Deponents cause of Knowledge is that shee hath seene the people at seuerall times come from masse out of his howse and that this Deponents father mother in lawe Mary ny Shihy and seuerall others tould this deponent that they had seene him at Masse in his owne house As alsoe [ ] [ ] of [ ] in the saide County Esquire [ turned ] to masse since the begininge of




fol. 209v




Rebbellion her cause of knowledge to this particuler is that shee sawe the said [ ] comeing out of [ a howse ] where masse was solelmnly celebrated This Deponent further saith that about the Purrification of the [ ] Virgin Mary beinge the fiue and twentith of March 1642 the vndernamed persons <B> Layd in siege to the Castle of Loghgurr (the right honorable the Earle of bathes howse) and continued the saide siege till the begininge of August followinge or thereabouts vizt William Lord Barron of Castle Connell Pierse Welsh of Abbey Vny in the saide Countie Esquire Donell Higgins Doctor of Phisicke Richard Bourke and Walter Bourke of Ballyvarry in the saide Countye gentlemen Richard Bourke of Cahirkinlesse in the saide Countye gent Maurice Baggott of Baggottstowne in the saide Countie gent Edmond ffox of Bulligidine in the saide Countie gent Teige Grady of the same late Chancellor of Emly Edmond Rawly of Ballynimonymore in the said <X> Countye gent Garrett Marshall and William Marshall of his sonne of Cloghevellur in the said Countie gent Robert ffreeman of Any in the saide Countie gent (reputed quarter master to the saide Lord of Castle Connell) James Grady of Knockinuregare in the said Countie gent John Lacye nowe of Broffe in the saide Countie gent William [ ] aforesaide Esquire This Deponent saieth that the aboue named persons and euery of them after the deliuery of the said Castle possessed themselues respectiuely of seuerall goods of this deponents said husband as alsoe diuers writeings and escripts concearneinge the Estate of this deponents husband and deuided the same amongst them her cause of Knowledge is that about the time aboue mencioned one John fitz Gerald of the Knee in the Countie of Tipperary gent being at the said siedge came to this deponents father in lawes house Donogh o Grady of Kilballyone in aforesaide Countie of Limerick gent and then and there offered the said Donnogh Grady parte of this deponent husbands writings vppon Condiccion that the said Donnogh Grady would helpe the saide John fitz Gerald to twentie shillings; This Examinant further saieth that the aboue named John Lacy of Broffe aforesaide and Connor Clancy



fol. 210r




<C> of Ballyvornyne in the saide Countie gent and by their directions & procurement this deponent about the begininge of 8ber Last this Deponent was apprehended and sent prisoner to Kilmallocke where she continued prisoner for fiue weeks haueinge six souldiers comannded as a guard to keepe her in the interim the Deponent haueinge had a conference with one John ffox then soueraigne of Kilmallocke desireinge that shee may bee released of the saide garde hee then made answeare that hee owed her husbands wife noe Respect or curtesie in Regard that hee was a Traytor to the Kinge & Country meaneinge thereby as this deponent beeleeues tha because that hee was a protestant & tooke parte with the English And further shee deposeth nott The deponent lastly saith that Thomas Grady and Standish Grady Two of this deponents children both of tender adge were stripped aboute the begining of 7ber last but by whome she knoweth not & then were carried away to the rebells campe at Adare in the said County & there kepte fasting three dayes and three nights & then & there adiudged by the lord of Castleconell to be hanged, which was like to be effected were had it not beene for the intercession of others & further she deposeth not

faith grady

Jurat coram nobis 8o ffebruary 1642

Phil: Bisse

Thomas Ellwell



fol. 210v





The examination

of ffaith Standish

alias Grady







Philip Bisse

Thomas Elwell


Nov 2012

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